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The New Jersey Society 
of Pennsylvania 



Decennial Record, 1 907-1 91 7 




ISSUED BY THE SOCIETY 
1919 



• Nil 



Compiled by Committee 
C. STANLEY FTJENCH, Chairman 



?£B § IB2.Q 



ADDRESSES 

Page 

First Annual Dinner, 1907 7 

Second Annual Dinner, 1908 38 

Third Annual Dinner, 1909 63 

Fourth Annual Dinner, 1910 97 

Fifth Annual Dinner, 1911 I34 

Sixth Annual Dinner, 1912 I77 

Seventh Annual Diner, 1913 209 

Eighth Annual Dinner, 1914 240 

Ninth Annual Dinner, 1915 274 

Tenth Annual Dinner, 1916 316 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Old Map of New Jersey, about 1650 6 

Sycamore and Walnut Trees, Gloucester, N. J 12 

Burlington Meeting House, 1691 28 

Gov. Franklin's House, "Franklin P'ark," N. J., 1770 38 

Surveyor General's Office, Burlington, N. J., 1825 40 

St. Mary's P. E. Church, Burlington, N. J., 1769 63 

Sycamore Tree, Burlington, N. J 66 

"Petticoat Bridge," Burlington County, N. J., 1778 96 

Harmony School, Mullica Hill, N. J., 1805-1888 i33 

Old Gloucester County Court House, Woodbury, N. J 138 

Rancocas Meeting House, 1772 I54 

American House, Haddonfield, N. J., 1750 176 

Colonial Money of New Jersey, 1776 208 

Burlington Meeting House, 1785 209 

Gov. Samuel Jennings' House, "Green Hill" 232 

Philadelphia in 1720 302 

Tablet erected at Trenton, N. J., by the Society 303 

Pilesgrove Meeting House, Woodstown, N. J., 1785 315 

Trinity Protestant Episcopal Church, Swedesboro, N. J., 1785 316 



Cuts and plates furnished by courtesy of 
Howard B. French 
Charles S. Boyer 
Frank H. Stewart 



PREFACE 

On December 29th, 1906, a preliminary meeting, attended 
by sixteen gentlemen, was held at the Union League of Phila- 
delphia, when it was resolved to form "An Organization of 
Jerseymen Resident in Philadelphia and Adjacent Thereto." 

This was followed by a larger and more formal meeting on 
January i6th, 1907, and thereafter an application was made to 
Court of Common Pleas No. i, of the City of Philadelphia, for 
a charter, and on April 15th, 1907, a charter to the New Jersey 
Society of Pennsylvania was approved by the Court, the objects 
of which were set out to be as follows : — 



ARTICLE II. 

Section i. To promote social intercourse among the sons of New Jersey 
by birth or ancestry, residing and located in Pennsylvania 
and adjacent territory. 

Section 2. To tender hospitality to and manifest friendship for natives 
of New Jersey when they may be temporarily sojourning in 
the city of Philadelphia, and to foster a spirit of general in- 
terest and friendly intercourse among those of New Jersey 
ancestry. 

Section 3. To develop and perpetuate that spirit of patriotic pride in the 
native State, which the prominence of New Jersey in the 
history of our Nation, and her conspicuous position as one of 
the thirteen original colonies, should always inspire. 

Section 4. To cause to be prepared and read before the Society, papers, 
essays, etc., on the history of New Jersey, the genealogy of 
Jerseymen, and other subjects of interest to the Society. 

Since the formation of this Society it has grown and 
flourished, and upon the anniversary of the adoption of the 
Constitution of the United States by New Jersey, banquets have 

(3) 



4 Preface:. 

been held in the City of Philadelphia, which have grown in size 
and importance each year. 

At these banquets addresses upon the subjects of the day 
have been made, as well as historic addresses, so' that in the 
course o^f time what has been said has grown to have historic 
importance. 

Because of this it has been deemed advisable to preserve in 
compact form for the members of the Society, the history of 
the ten years of its life, as contained in the addresses made and 
hence this present volume. 

New Jersey, one of the thirteen original states, was named 
in 1664 after the Isle of Jersey, in honor of Sir George Carteret, 
Lieutenant-Governor of that Isle. The State was first settled by 
the Dutch at Bergen in 161 8, although in 1609 Henry Hudson, 
then in the service of the Dutch East India Company, entered 
Delaware Bay, and the company which Hudson represented 
sought for a long time to hold the territory, explored by Hudson, 
for trading purposes, but the earlier voyages of John and Sebas- 
tian Cabot, in 1497, laid the foundation for the later grant of 
Queen Elizabeth, in 1584, to Sir Walter Raleigh of a large tract 
of ground which included New Jersey, the English founding 
their claim on prior discovery, and as early as 1640 some English 
settled about Salem and Cape May, and thereafter considerable 
controversy existed between the earlier settlement at Bergen and 
this later English settlement, and in 1664, war with Holland be- 
ing imminent, the English took forcible possession of the colony 
founded at Bergen, King Charles having made a grant of the 
territory to the Duke of York, ignoring the former grant. 

The Duke of York in the same year conveyed New Jersey 
to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. 

In 1674, a division between Lord Berkeley and Sir George 
Carteret having theretofore taken place, and Lord Berkeley then 



Pre;face:. 5 

having title to West Jersey and Sir Georg-e Carteret to East Jer- 
sey, the title of Lord Berkeley was conveyed to members of the 
Society of Friends, and in 1 68 1-2 members of the same religious 
persuasion purchased East Jersey, founding the Proprietary 
Government, which came to an end in 1702 when New Jersey 
became a Royal Province. 

Members of the New Jersey Society have cause for pride in 
their native State. It had a settlement in Bergen County in 
1 61 7, three years before Plymouth Rock was trod upon by the 
Puritan fathers. 

In Old Gloucester County, in 1623, a considerable settlement 
was established and Fort Nassau erected twenty-one years before 
William Penn was born, and this Fort stood forty-nine years 
later, when Penn passed it in 1682. 

New Jersey was ever first in broad expansive general policy. 
Its Constitution was the first to give women the right to vote. 
As early as July 2nd, 1776, before the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence was signed, this great forward movement, only now re- 
ceiving the general attention of the states, found expression in 
the Constitution of New Jersey. 

It was first in the establishment of a free public school system 
in the United States, when in the year 1682, Matinicunk Island, 
off Burlington, was set apart as the site for a free school for 
Whites, Negroes and Indians. 

It was first in giving advancement to the great railroad de- 
velopment of the United States by granting the first railroad 
charter, in the year 181 5, to the New Jersey Railroad, the first 
railroad charter granted by any state. The road ran from 
the Delaware River to the Raritan River. 

The first railroad train uniting North and South, East and 
West, was run over the line between Camden and South Amboy. 



6 PrHf^ace. 

The first steam-boat was run on the Delaware in 1787; tlie 
first steamship to cross the Atlantic Ocean had its machinery 
devised and made in Speedwell, in the State of New Jersey. 

At the present day, New Jersey is the second State in the 
Union in proportion to its population, as a manufacturing- State, 
and exclusive of metropolitan areas it is the most densely popu- 
lated section of the whole United States. 

It furnished some eighty thousand men in the Civil War, 
twenty thousand in the war of the Revolution, and more than 
fifty thousand in the recent world war, and subscribed tO' the 
Liberty Loans more than one and one-half times in excess of the 
national allotment to the State. 

The members of the New Jersey Society are justly proud 
of their State, and it is hoped that the perusal of the patriotic 
and historic speeches in this book contained, will extend the 
knowledge of the worth of the State, and increase the esteem in 
which the State should be held by all its natives and their de- 
scendents. 

December 18, 191 9. 

WiLIvIAM J. C0NI.EN, 

Secretary. 




OLD ilAP OF NEW JERSEY. 



ADDRESSES 

Mr. MurreIvIv Dobbins, President of the Society, in intro- 
ducing the speechmaking, addressed the members and their guests 
as follows : 

Gentlemen and members of the New Jersey Society of Penn- 
sylvania: — This is the first annual dinner of our organization. 
It is one hundred and twenty years ago to-day since New Jersey, 
the third State to do so', ratified the Constitution of the United 
States. Because of that fact the i8th of December was thought 
to be a very fitting date for our annual dinners. 

The object of our Society is to promote social intercourse, 
to tender hospitality to and to foster a spirit of general interest 
among Jerseymen and those of New Jersey ancestry. Our mem- 
bership has already almost reached the prescribed limit, and the 
high character of that membership, as represented by the com- 
pany around this table, speaks for itself. 

In accordance with our rules, I will hand over to-night to Mr. 
Howard B. French, my successor in office, the Charter and all 
papers connected with our Society. Before doing so, however, 
I desire to thank the members for the honor they conferred upon 
me by electing me their first President. I consider it a great 
honor to be the first President of a Society composed of such 
representative business and professional men as comprise the 
New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania ; almost every business and 
profession in Philadelphia being represented. I also desire to 
thank the members for their loyal support and assistance in the 
formation of this Society, and hope they will extend the same 
help to my successor. 

I now take pleasure in introducing to you, although he needs 
no introduction, the Honorable J. Hampton Moore, who will be 
the Toastmaster of the evening. (Applause.) 

ToASTMASTER MooRE, grasping the gavel, said he welcomed 
the guests on behalf of that fraternal band of which President 

(7) 



8 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Dobbins had spoken as having been organized just one year ago. 
He extended a special greeting to Governor Stuart, of Pennsyl- 
vania; the senior Senator from that State (Hon. Boise Penrose) 
and the junior Senator, to whom, he added, the eyes of the nation 
were now turned — Hon. Philander C. Knox. He continued : 

Unhappy indeed must that son of Jersey be to-night who can- 
not lay his hand upon his heart and say with native pride, "I 
am a Jerseyman." It is high time that New Jersey should assert 
herself through an organization that w)ill take rank among* 
kindred organizations that are exploiting the histories and the 
merits of their respective States. Too- long has she been a lag- 
gard in reminding the world of her own historic memories and 
the glories of a Commonwealth that has always been true to the 
nation and whose statesmen have been typical of the highest ideals 
in American citizenship. New England, through various so- 
cieties, has recounted her achievements; her clever people, her 
cultured orators, her scholastic minds have never failed, when 
the opportunity offered, to eulogize New England's great men 
and to emphasize important incidents of her past ; the text-books 
of our schools are filled with New England names and events ; 
and yet New Jersey and other great Middle States can point with 
equal pride to their own records of deeds of valor in the past 
and civic triumphs in our own day which are incentives to the 
highest patriotism and the noblest impulses. Have there been 
tea parties in the harbor of Boston, in days gone by? — let us 
turn to our own tea party on the banks of the Cohansey, just 
below. Have there been incidents in Revolutionary or Colonial 
warfare that have become common history for the nation? — let 
us remember the brave Jerseymen who, under the Council of 
Safety and throughout the Revolutionary period, stood in the 
fore- front of battle for the nation, who boasted not of their glori- 
ous deeds and personal sacrifices and whose names have not 
been handed down to future generations in the school books of 
our children. Is it not time that Jersey, the strongest of the 
Colonies on the seaboard, should have equal recognition with 
those who claim precedence in the history of our country? Is it 
not time that men who^ come together, as Mr. Dobbins has 



Addresseis, 1907. 9 

brought us together to-night, under the auspices O'f the New Jer- 
sey Society of Pennsylvania, should make manifest that feeHng 
of State pride which is befitting to descendents of the illustrious 
forefathers ? ( Applause. ) 

Seldom has there been seen around a banquet board an 
assemblage so thoroughly representative of the best citizenship 
of a State as that which we have here to-night; and you will 
pardon me, a Pennsylvanian but Jersey born, if I find pleasure 
in emphasizing the fact. The personnel of this gathering is the 
standard for all kindred societies of this country. Do we need 
men of finance, do we need business men, do we need merchants, 
do we need managers of industries and men interested in public 
progress everywhere ? Then, it seems to me, the call is answered 
at this dinner oif the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, which 
has attracted from the hills of Sussex to the 'sands of Cape May, 
from the perilous shoals of Barnegat to the fertile banks of the 
Delaware, men as capable, patriotic and public-spirited as are to 
be found anywhere in this galaxy of forty-six States. 

We honor to-night the native Jerseyman. We have his type 
in the patriot of the days gone by, in the heroic defender of the 
Union, in the wise and sagacious American statesmen, in the 
intelligent and industrious citizen and in the humble tiller of 
the soil who applies himself to what God has given him to do, 
who lifts his children to a higher sphere of usefulness than was 
vouchsafed to himself and who makes life more pleasant for 
those who come within his circle. His sterling qualities com- 
mend him to us, and I am proud to lay my tribute at the feet of 
the Jerseyman. If one characteristic distinguishes him more than 
another, it is that he believes himself as good as any other man, 
if not a good deal better. (Merriment.) 

The Toastmaster then presented, as the first speaker, the dis- 
tinguished representative of the Keystone State, Senator Pen- 
rose. 

Hon. Boii:s Pe;nrose, senior U. S. Senator from Penns)^- 
vania, was greeted with enthusiasm. Joining heartily in the 
spirit and humor of the hour, he pleasantly chided Governor 



10 New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

Stuart for neglect of duty in not arriving in time to respond to 
the well-accustomed toast to the great Commonwealth of Penn- 
sylvania, the burden oif the response having been transferred 
from the Governor's shoulders to his own. 

Continuing in the same humorous vein, Senator Penrose said : 

When he took the oath of office it became the duty of the 
Governor to boast, on every public occasion, that Pennsylvania 
possessed the fairest women, the bravest men, the most fertile 
fields, the most productive farms, the wealthiest mines, the largest 
mountains and the broadest rivers of any State in the Union, and 
to assert the superiority of the State generally, notwithstanding 
the presence of Governors of other States. 

The surroundings here to-night are not unfamiliar to- me, 
for I am partly a Jerseyman myself. Whatever I may possess 
of youth and strength with any modicum of brains has been 
stimulated and strengthened by the ozone and the sun of New 
Jersey. There are few of her bays, estuaries, creeks, sand bars, 
salt marshes and grassy flats that are not familiar to me from 
Cape May to Barnegat. I miss at this table some articles of 
diet grateful to my palate and common to Jerseymen, such as the 
eels, the clams and the crabs, but of course we cannot have 
everything at one meal. I recognize these autumnal vegetables 
from the South Jersey farms, the cranberries cultivated by the 
sons of sunny Italy, the grapes by the Dutch Jerseymen, the 
pumpkins and the potatoes by the natives of the soil. 

I congratulate you, Mr. President and Mr. Vice President, 
upon the formation of this Society. The brilliant gathering 
here to-night of distinguished men (many of whom, I am con- 
fidently informed, are millionaires) fully justifies the establish- 
ment of an organization of this character upon the anniversary 
of New Jersey's ratification of the American Constitution. That 
it should have been delayed so long after that event is not so 
much an evidence of a lack of patriotism in Jerseymen as it is of 
their innate modesty. Pennsylvania and New Jersey have many 
things in common. We are all inhabitants of the Delaware Val- 
ley; and when we recognize the common heritage and the mu- 
tuality of interest of the people of the two States it seems to 



Addresses, 1907. 11 

us surprising that the very large number of distinguished Jer- 
seymen who are now residents and citizens of Pennsylvania have 
not before this come together, upon this side of the Delaware, in 
a society that might afford opportunities for social intercourse 
and better acquaintance. It is a matter of congratulation that 
this organization has been formed, and it is a pleasure for us 
Pennsylvanians that we are permitted to-night to participate in 
its first annual banquet. 

As I have said, there is a little Jersey blood in my veins. It 
has not been a "fad" of mine to trace back my ancestry, with 
the aid of a professional genealogist, at so much per stenog- 
rapher's page; and I sympathize with the John Smith who, in 
his autobiography, according to Mark Twain, followed his pedi- 
gree so far back that he was compelled to adopt the gallows 
tree as his family coat-of-arms (possibly we might all get into 
trouble if our genealogical researches went beyond certain limits), 
but it is my privilege to claim the distinction of being a direct 
descendent of that William Biddle who settled in Burlington 
and was one of the original proprietors of West New Jersey. 
Bearing out my thought, however, that it is dangerous to go 
too far back in one's ancestry, I found that, after serving in 
the Parliamentary Army of Cromwell, my ancestor served several 
times in jail for a diversity of opinion upon the subject of the 
fifth monarchy and other transcendental matters of religion un- 
familiar to Jerseymen of the present day, before he came to the 
shores of Rancocas Creek. 

We cannot but recall that it was William Penn who was 
one of the first proprietors of New Jersey, who' sent a vessel 
up the Delaware and whose commissioners, avoiding the temp- 
tation of settling at the mouth of the Schuylkill, switched over 
to Rancocas Creek and settled the town of Burlington. In the 
following year the city of Philadelphia was founded — the most 
level and square city on the planet. The similarity, therefore, 
between Pennsylvania and New Jersey is much more radical and 
deep-seated than that superficial resemblance which certain wise 
gentlemen with waggish tongues, at this end of the table, have 
conjured up between Philander C. Knox, of Pittsburgh, Penn- 
sjdvania, and Francis B. Lee, of Trenton, New Jersey. 



12 Ntw Ji^RSEY Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Gentlemen, Pennsylvania needs no defence nor explanation. 
It is no idle boast to aver that she has always been in the van 
of American patriotism and civilization. Exceptional conditions 
have at times confronted her because of the diverse character 
of her population. Those who delight to point you to the simple 
democracy of ancient Athens, under the rule of her statesmen, 
or to the methods which prevail in a New England village 
community, do not realize the changed conditions resulting from 
our great development and that within our limits are gathered 
almost every nationality on the face of the earth. The State 
of New York does not contain a greater variety of nationalities 
than is to be found within the confines of Pennsylvania; and 
this has been true from the early days, when the fur-trading 
Dutchmen, the stock-raising Swedes, the English, the Quakers, 
the Irish, the Scotch-Irishmen, the Poles, the Germans, ithe 
Lithuanians and others joined hands to build up this great coun- 
try. Consequently there has not always been that spontaniety 
of action in our public affairs which might characterize a more 
homogenous community; and writers, ignorant of their subject 
and prone to idle discourse, have characterized the Pennsylvania 
conditions as of the machine variety; yet we yield to no State 
in our governmental activities and in our progressive develop- 
ment. In all the elements of modern legislation, it is not much 
exaggeration to say, Pennsylvania is in the lead of her sister 
States. We have under State control a larger forest area than 
any Eastern State, and it has been carefully preserved and stead- 
ily increased. We have a Water Commission which is engaged 
in the important work of conserving the waters of the Common- 
wealth, so that they may not run to^ waste or be misapplied by 
consumers. But few of the States have taken the precaution 
to appoint officials for this purpose. We have a State Health 
Commission which is admittedly far in advance of any setting 
the pace for every Health Commission in the Union. Its juris- 
diction is co-extensive with the borders of the State; it has a 
larger appropriation at its command and, I may say, is doing 
more good than all like State organizations in the Union com- 
bined. We have a tax system — a model of its kind — under 




SYCAMORE AND WALNUT TREES, GLOUCESTER, N. J. OVER 250 YEARS OLD. 

Under these trees members of the Council of Proprietors for Gloucester County 

have met annually since organization in 16S7. Owing to decay, the sycamore 

tree was removed in IflOli. The walnut tree blew down August 14th. 1918. 



AddreISSKS, 1907. 13 

which, with a trivial exception, the citizen does not pay one 
dollar of State tax upon his personal property ; but, on the other 
hand, a large portion of the State revenues are returned to the 
counties, and many of the counties receive from the State treas- 
ury more money than they pay into it. No loss under this sys- 
tem, by malfeasance or defalcation, has occurred in the history 
of the State. Six million dollars or more of the revenues of 
Pennsylvania are devoted to educational purposes — a fund larger 
than is applied by any other State for a kindred purpose. 

These are but a few of the instrumentalities by which our 
State Government renders efficient service in protecting the pub- 
lic interests and promoting the general welfare; and they have 
made Pennsylvania pre-eminent among the States for her wise 
and beneficient administration of public affairs. It is needless 
for me to speak of the material resources of Pennsylvania. We 
meet here in the third city oi the Union, which has nearly a 
million and a half of inhabitants. The road to Pittsburgh is lined 
with industrial establishments and great stretches of as fertile 
and productive farm land as are to be found on the face of the 
globe. Crossing the Alleghenies you enter a territory which 
may be said to be the industrial center of the world. There, at 
our western gate-way, at the head of the Ohio, is centered the 
American domination in the iron ore product and in general 
manufacturing. 

But Jersey has her advantages and as her orator is soon 
to be heard regarding them it would be in bad taste for me to 
dilate further upon the greatness — I will not say the superiority 
— of our own imperial State. We meet here in a fraternal spirit ; 
and, as I have said, the people of both States, have much in com- 
mon and are devoted upon similar lines to the development of 
American civilization and the promotion of American patriotism. 
Occasionally it has happened that we in Philadelphia have been 
somewhat shocked by condtions that prevailed in Camden 
and in Gloucester, but it is something to learn that those con- 
ditions have been modified, if not eliminated ; that the commun- 
ity in which Mr. David Baird resides has become a model com- 
munity and that Gloucester has become a village which a Puritan 
maiden mio;-ht visit without hesitation. 



14 Ni:w Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Gentlemen, I am glad to be with you to renew many old ac- 
quaintances, and I now give way that you may hear a trumpet 
blast upon New Jersey's merits from Governor Stokes. (Ap^ 
plause. ) 

The To astm aster : The true soldier seeks a foeman worthy 
of his steel. Senator Penrose having entered the lists and ex- 
tolled the merits of Pennsylvania, it is absolutely necessary that 
he should have a suitable rival. We are now prepared to hear 
from Jersey's champion. No one throughout the confines of 
our native State is better qualified to speak for New Jersey than 
he whom I am now about to present. They say he has governed 
so well that higher honors are in store for him ; and it may also 
be said of him in Gilbertian verse : 

"He might have been a Russian, a Frenchman, Turk or Prussian, 

Or perhaps Ital-ian; 
But in spite of all temptations to belong to other nations, 

He remains a Jerseyman." 

I present Governor Stokes, of New Jersey. 

Hon. Edward C. Stokes, Governor of New Jersey, re- 
sponding with characteristic humor and eloquence, spoke amid 
outbursts of merriment and enthusiasm as follows: 

Mr. Toastmaster, Senator Penrose and Jersey exiles : — After 
listening to the happy and modest description of the great State 
of Pennsylvania I can fully understand why there should be a 
Jersey colony in the Keystone State; and after looking at this 
assemblage I can readily understand why Pennsylvania wants a 
Jersey colony. From the appearance of the table, with its pro- 
duct of the little State across the Delaware, which has been so 
poetically described, it would seem as though everything had 
sprung from New Jersey. General Gordon, in his famous lecture 
on "The Last Days of the Confederacy," said that the Battle of 
Gettysburg was largely a matter of reciprocity; that the Yankee 
soldiers had so often visited the Confederates on southern battle- 
fields, the Confederates felt it a duty to return the calls and so 
they came up into Pennsylvania to pay their respects at Gettys- 



Addre;sses, 1907. 15 

burg. So many sons of Pennsylvania have frequently visited 
New Jersey, for various purposes — health, recreation or protec- 
tion — that a return call upon our part is a debt that we pay with 
pleasure, especially when in making that call we are surrounded 
here by the next President of the United States, the next Gov- 
ernor of New Jersey, the Governor of Pennsylvania and the 
Senator who has just spoken. 

We have been told that Pennsylvania is the greatest State in 
the Union. Why should she not be? Since the early days this 
nation has lived and thrived by immigration. It is immigration 
that keeps up the standard and the strength O'f national stock. 
This meeting illustrates the truth of that assertion; and this New 
Jersey Society discloses the character of the immigrant who has 
built up the prosperity of Pennsylvania. I can speak impartially 
because I am only a Jerseyman by adoption. I was born in 
Philadelphia — of course I am not responsible for that — and after 
a residence in this city of three months from the date of my 
birth I held a conference with Governor Stuart, and I then and 
there agreed that I would not interfere with his gubernatorial 
aspirations; so I followed the example of Washington, crossed 
the Delaware and settled in New Jersey in order that two Penn- 
sylvanians might at the same time occupy the executive chairs 
of the two greatest States of the Union. I had another object 
in my early migration. I had read the constitutions of both 
States, and I left the State whose constitution forbids the issue 
of railroad passes, and I settled in a State that takes a more ra- 
tional view of the perquisites of existence and, appreciating the 
real function of a railroad, compels the issue of railroad passes 
by law. So I naturally rejoice to-night to see, under these cir- 
cumstances, so many Jerseymen who' have given up their rail- 
road passes and who have migrated to this State with the ben- 
evolent intention of directing her banks, managing her business 
enterprises, conducting her great industries and representing her 
in Congress. It is marvelous the sacrifices a public spirited Jer- 
seyman will make to do missionary work in other lands. 

The distinguished speaker who preceded me has referred 
very truthfully to the Puritanic conditions in certain parts of 



1 6 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

New Jersey. In her early Colonial days New Jersey learned a 
lesson of sobriety from this State. At that time William Penn 
was Governor and at the same time one of the proprietors of 
New Jersey. He was accustomed to sail up the Delaware, in 
his barge, to his manor house at Pennsbury, a few miles above 
Bristol; and on his journey he frequently stopped to pay his 
respects to Governor Jennings, of New Jersey, also a Quaker, 
whose home is pictured on this menu card, and who was then 
resident at Burlington. During these visits the frivolous Jer- 
seymen always put aside their pipes in order not to offend Penn, 
who disapproved Oif the smoking habit. On one occasion he 
came upon them unawares, before they had time to conceal the 
evidence of their dissipation; and, noticing their embarrassment 
and confusion, he pleasantly remarked that he was glad they 
had the sense of propriety to be ashamed of the practice; where- 
upon Governor Jennings replied : "Sir, we are not ashamed, we 
desist in order that we may not by our example lead a weak 
brother into temptation." And ever since that hour it has been 
an unwritten common law of Jersey that, whenever the sons of 
Pennsylvania crossed the Delaware and entered her borders, 
whether it be to visit Long Branch or Atlantic City or Cape 
May or Camden or Gloucester, all places of amusement are in- 
stantly closed and the church door is opened that the sons of 
Penn may not be led into temptation. 

The Senator says that I am to extoll to-night the virtues of 
New Jersey. It is not the first time I have toasted her virtues. 
It has been my theme so often that I feel like the lady who was 
traveling on the London belt line. As the train approached the 
station she said to her companion in the compartment, "Sir, 
won't you kindly help me to alight at the next station ? — you see 
I am somewhat fat and I have a physical infirmity that compels 
me to step off the train backwards ; every time T have attempted 
to alight the guard has pushed me back in the compartment, 
shouted 'all aboard,' slammed the door, and I have been around 
this road six times already." No matter how often you travel 
around the little State of New Jersey, that lying between Father 
Knickerbocker and Father Penn combines the virtues of both 



Addre^sses, 1907. 17 

without the vices of either — her story never grows old. In his- 
tory, in industry, in statesmanship that story blends intO' the 
epoch of a national life that, with forty-six or forty-seven States 
in her train, leads the march of civilization. 

These societies do great service in keeping alive the fires of 
ancestral patriotism. No nation ever yet survived that lost its 
reverence for its history or its love for home. It is said that for 
three hundred years afterwards the children in the public schools 
of Greece were taught the names of the defenders of Ther- 
mopylae. Local history. President Wilson has said, is like an inn 
by the wayside, a place on a far journey where national events 
are chronicled. There mankind stops and lodges for a while. 
And truly indeed has this nation stopped and lodged on Jersey 
soil. Its first settlement came a little after that of Jamestown, 
which has just been celebrated; and along the Raritan and the 
Passaic and the Hudson and the Delaware and the Hackensack 
there grew up peaceful and prosperous communities that have 
never since stayed their sturdy growth. As Senator Penrose 
said, there was the Englishman and the Quaker and the Dutch- 
man, as in Pennsylvania, and the German and the Swede and the 
Huguenot and the Scotch-Irish, who blended together their 
strength, alertness and virtue into- a new rising race, some of 
whose descendants sit around this table to-night. And if the 
sons of Italy did pick those cranberries, fifty years from now, 
under the genius and spirit of New Jersey's Americanism, those 
Italians or their representatives may be sitting around this table, 
perhaps not as Governors or Senators, but as good, loyal Ameri- 
can citizens. If this country is the outgrowth and the contribu- 
tion of all races of all ages, New Jersey typifies that national 
characteristic in the racial character of her early settlement. 

In the struggle for independence she played a heroic part. 
Your toastmaster has referred to it. She has no Saratoga on 
her pages; she has no Valley Forge tO' mark the ebb tide of 
despair ; but she has a Morristown with a record of equal suffer- 
ing, patriotism and endurance. She was the central battle- 
ground of that conflict for over one-quarter of its seven years 

duration. Across her bosom marched back and forth the hosts 
2 



i8 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

of war in attack, in retreat, in victory and in defeat; and she 
gave Red Bank and Trenton and Monmouth and Princeton to 
add to the glory of the final triumph that was sealed at York- 
town. The pathway of the Revolutionary soldier struggling for 
independence has become the highway of a commerce that marks 
the prosperity of this nation. That great State has given its 
honored name to the greatest railroad system in the world. 
Within the 'borders of New Jersey are the termini of every great 
raliroad line in this country with but one exception, and across 
her bosom are transported the products of every city, every 
section and every State. What would Philadelphia and New 
York do, how would those twO' great cities find means of inter- 
course, did not New Jersey furnish the way and the method of 
communication ? And when the ship canal shall have crossed her 
territory and shall have united in the bonds of perpetual trade 
the Delaware and the Hudson, then New England and the South, 
the East and the West will meet upon her waterway and exchange 
greetings while engaged in a commerce and trade that, both in 
variety and volume, will put to envy even a Panama or a Suez. 
Our little State is a beehive of industry. Twelve per cent, of 
her people are engaged in manufacturing. She stands sixth in 
the average output of her factories and workshops. We gained 
seventy-two per cent, in the volume of our manufacturing pro- 
ducts in ten years. In agriculture she is not equalled in the 
variety of her harvests and products; we stand next to Penn- 
sylvania, just as we did in those Colonial days. Ten millions of 
people living within easy reach furnish an unfailing market to 
stimulate our tillers of the soil. 

A Representative of Pennsylvania has been talking of our 
taxes. Upon our people falls no burden of State debt. We have 
no State tax except a slight school tax that is distributed locally; 
we collect from our corporations funds sufficient to pay the ex- 
penses of our government and to turn back to our people nearly 
six millions of dollars per annum (not a penny of which has 
come out of their pockets), to help pay their local expenses and 
support their public school system. I am glad to learn to-night 
that Pennsylvania is imitating our policy in this respect. No 



Addresses, 1907. 19 

wonder is it that the popiilation of that httle Commonwealth 
multipHed more rapidly than that of any other State east of the 
Rocky Mountains; no wonder that Philadelphia and New York 
send across the Delaware and the Hiudson thousands of their 
busy workers, every year, tO' find in New Jersey their homes, 
there to bring up their families and to enjoy the peace, good 
order, safety and educational advantages which that State affords 
to all of its citizens; no wonder that thousands of travelers and 
tourists are coming^ into our borders to visit our seaside resorts 
and to travel over our excellent highways with a speed limited 
only by the watchful eye of Jersey justice. 

I know that it is popular for some people to bewail the sad 
and untoward condition of New Jersey, but they see only its 
salt marshes, its sand dunes, its mosquitoes and its unpicturesque 
sign-boards inviting them to take cascarets and liver pills. They 
do not see the green meadows, the beautiful lakes, the pictu- 
resque mountains and the pleasant valleys where there are thous- 
ands of homes and where the smoke of industry rises over pros- 
perous and contented labor. They forget our splendid colleges 
— Princeton and Rutgers — from the first of which we sent out 
Witherspoon, the George William Curtis of the Revolution, 
whose eloquence never failed in the cause of liberty and whose 
hand signed the Declaration of Independence. They forget 
Madison, who was sent out from Princeton, went back to Vir- 
ginia and induced that old Commonwealth to come back into the 
Union under the Constitution which in this Cradle of Indepen- 
dence was framed and adopted in 1787. They 'forget that from 
Rutgers there went out the surveyor of the Continental armies, 
who suggested to Jefferson the land system under which the great 
West has grown up into an empire of cities and homes. They 
forget our untarnished justice that is dealt out with impartiality 
to every litigant. They forget that capital and great business 
corporations are attracted to New Jersey not because of the laxity 
of her laws but because of the sincerity and integrity of her peo- 
ple, who can be trusted to do right and justice. They forget 
that little State's central location and her magnificent resources 
that are capable of untold development under the united effort 



20 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

of such loyal, patriotic citizens as those whom I see before me. 
But it is her spirit, that old Jersey spirit, that is her greatest 
source of strength — Jersey sincerity, loyalty, fidelity and faith- 
fulness — that spirit that lives and lets live ; the spirit that uplifts 
rather than destroys; the spirit that has characterized the Jersey 
Blues and that has carried New Jersey along the lines of honor- 
able advancement, of safe and sane progress ; and the spirit that 
has been so- kneaded into the very fibres of our people that her 
sons are ever trusted and trustworthy in every place and vocation. 
(Long continued applause.) 

The Toastmaster: On Pennsylvania avenue, Washington, 
the other morning. Representative Jim Sherman, of New York^ 
(referring to newspaper reports of the brightening prospects of 
the Speaker of the House as a Presidential candidate) accosted 
the Speaker with "Good morning, Mr. Speaker, I hope you are 
satisfied with the news that is coming in from different sections 
of the country." "Now, Jim," said Uncle Joe, "I want to tell 
you about Bill Devine, who used to live with me out on the 
Wabash. Bill's home was close by a corn field, and he was in 
the habit of visiting a village just below. One evening he re- 
mained at his haunts longer than usual and loaded up with every- 
thing the village afforded until he was in the most hilarious and 
glorious humor imaginable. On his way home over the corn 
field he was unsteadily picking his way through the stubble and 
approaching a fence he was accustomed to mount, when he heard 
the warning rattle of a snake. Steadying himself he glared de- 
fiance at the reptile and exclaimed, 'I know ye, ye might as well 
strike now as at any other time, goll durn ye; ye'll never find 
me better prepared. (Merriment.) 

Now, let me explain why, as Toastmaster, I find myself in a 
predicament that is more perplexing than was that of Bill Devine. 
When the Roosevelt administration was shaping its course, it 
was guided in its legal affairs by the master-hand of one who 
never missed a stroke. Its craft was safely launched and fully 
equipped to battle successfully with the giant enemies of the 
public welfare. The distinguished gentleman to whom I allude, 



Addresses, 1907. 21 

who voluntarily relinquished the exalted position of Attorney- 
General of the United States to become a member of the Senate, 
is one of our honored guests this evning, having been induced 
to be present upon the positive and personal pledge of Congress- 
man Moon, a Jerseyman born, that he would not be called upon 
for a speech. A Jerseyman of course always keeps his word. 
We have here, then, this great national figure, an orator whom 
you would be delighted to hear ; we have here the man who gave 
the pledge ; and I am in a quandary like that of a distinguished 
literateur of former times, the versatile John Bunyan, who when 
he thought of printing Pilgrim's Progress was importuned by 
some friends to print and by others not to print. Senator Knox 
is here — what shall I do? — must Congressman Moon eat his 
words? (Cries of "Yes, yes," and general merriment.) 

Mr. Dobbins advises me that he has discovered that friend 
Moon had no authority to make this promise; and another dis- 
tinguished Jerseyman assures me that Senator Knox is a lineal 
descendant of a Jerseyman, and, for that reason, cannot refuse 
to speak to-night. The Aveight of authority must rule and. in 
the name of the Society, I overrule Mr. Moon's protest and pre- 
sent Senator Knox. (Applause.) 

Hon. Philander C. Knox, U. S. Senator from Pennsyl- 
vania, (when the tumult of cheers which greeted him had sub- 
cided), good naturedly commented upon the call now made upon 
him to speak as a breach of faith in view of the assurance given 
him by his friend, Mr. Moon, that he was simply to be a guest 
at the present distinguished gathering. He said he had been at 
a loss to- account for the repudiation of the agreement until the 
Toastmaster informed him that he had been publicly accused of 
being part Jerseyman. He continued : 

I am admonished by what has been said by my distinguished 
colleague (Senator Penrose) that it is frequently unsafe for a 
man tO' run back too far in his lineage lest the consequences might 
be unpleasant or at least not gratifying to him ; but I am willing 
now, in the secrecy of this gathering, to plead guilty tO' the ac- 
cusation of being part Jerseyman, and I have the temerity to be 



22 New Jeesey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

proud of it. My maternal great grandfather in the fifth ascend- 
ing degree settled in the county of Burlington, New Jersey, in 
1661; and his son, Judge William Biidd, of Burlington county, 
my great grandfather in the fourth ascending degree, founded 
the town of Pemberton in 1691. The Budds were a race of 
founders. His son, my great grandfather in the third degree, 
founded the Methodist Church in P'emberton, New Jersey; and 
another great grandfather, Levi Budd, founded a family of four- 
teen children, of whom my grandmother was the first to move 
out of New Jersey. 

Mr. Toastmaster, it has often been satirically observed, and 
it has been referred to here to-night, that New Jersey is a foreign 
soil and that her inhabitants are alien enemies. I believe that 
back of that absurd proposition there is probably a good reason 
which may account for it. Before the birth of this nation, after 
the Revolutionary War had been successfully concluded and we 
were passing through that critical period of American history 
which preceded the formation of the Constitution of the United 
States, jealousies had sprung up between the various States, 
which had led to a system of reprisals. The Jersey farmer who 
wanted to carry his butter, eggs, cheese and garden truck to the 
markets of the city of New York, a city at that time of some 
thirty thousand inhabitants, was compelled to^ pay duties at 
a custom house just as people importing goods into the United 
States from foreign countries are compelled toi pay to-day. New 
Jersey, by way of retaliation, struck at New Ylork in the only 
place that was vulnerable by excessively taxing the lighthouse 
then maintained by New York, at Sandy Hook. These things 
begot not only between New Jersey and New Ybrk but between 
New Jersey and other States a condition of greater hostility 
than existed between this natio^n and foreign nations and cer- 
tainly one less amicable than exists betKveen the United States 
and the majority of foreign nations to-day. It is not therefore 
remarkable, I think it is altogether likely, that this suggestion of 
New Jersey being a foreign country and of her inhabitants be- 
ing alien enemies, originated in the State of New York for the 
reason I have stated. But, Mr. Toastmaster, I am glad to say, 



Addresses, 1907. 23 

and history justifies nie in saying, that between New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, at no time in their history, did ever such feehngs 
prevail. Time and again New Jersey and Pennsylvania stood 
shoulder to shoulder in movements that effectuated some of the 
greatest and most important events in our history. 

The President of this Society has alluded to the fact that 
on the i8th day of December, 1787, or exactly one hundred and 
twenty years ago to-day, New Jersey unanimously approved the 
Constitution of the United States, thereby following in just six 
days the example set by Pennsylvania. Delaware, six days 
earlier or upon the 6th day of December, had approved the Con- 
stitution and placed herself first on the list of the States approv- 
ing that great charter of human liberty; yet it is not to be for- 
gotten, and I am glad to state it for the honor of my State, that 
although the formal vote in Delaware was the first vote of ap- 
proval, the very first step ever taken in the Colonies to ratify the 
'Constitution of the United States was taken in the State of Penn- 
sylvania. Leaders of the Federal party in Pennsylvania, in an- 
ticipation of the action of Congress, which was then in session 
in the city of New York, moved for the calling of a convention 
to ratify the Constitution upon the very day on which Congress 
passed an act to submit it to a vote of the States. Although the 
Hon. Thomas B. Reed had achieved the honor of having adopted 
in the Congress of the United States the sensible rule that a 
member present and refusing to answer to his name could be 
counted for the piurpose of a quorum, we go back to that session 
of the legislature of Pennsylvania to find a precedent for that 
action. In those times of slow communication it was three or 
four days before the news of the action of Congress in submit- 
ting the Constitution to the States reached Philadelphia. The 
rules of the Pennsylvania Assembly required two- thirds tO' make 
a quorum, and unfortunately it was known that the Federal 
party lacked three of the number necessary to constitute a quorum. 
When a motion to call a general convention to ratify the Con- 
stitution of the United States was made, a point of order was 
raised that, under the rules of the Assembly, the motion would 
have to go over until the next day before a vote could be taken. 



24 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

and the point was sustained. The anti-Federals, meeting in a 
tavern in Philadelphia that night, openly proclaimed that they 
would defeat the action of the Federals by remaining away and 
therefore making it impossible for the Assembly to^ do business. 
Then there arose a case not of members being present, not an- 
swering and being counted by the Presiding Officer, but a case 
of twelve or fourteen Federals, headed by George Clymer, going 
to the boarding houses of anti-Federals, bodily seizing and carry- 
ing some of them to the convention hall and holding them- down 
in their seats until the motion was passed. I believe it was that 
vigorous action on the part of the Federals of Pennsylvania 
which inspired the immediate action in New Jersey and led to 
the unanimous vote of ratification which is to the glory of Jersey. 

Now, not being upon the program for a speech, I shall not 
trespass upon the great courtesy which you have shown me by 
prolonging my remarks, but I want to call attention to one other 
important historical fact, which shows how steadily Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey stood shoulder to shoulder under the most 
important and trying circumstances. When Spain demanded 
that the Mississippi River should be closed to navigation below 
the mouth of the Yazoo-, and John Jay had recommended a treaty 
to that effect, there was a period of great commotion. New Eng- 
land favored the treaty, and the South and the Southwest re- 
belled against it. The strain was so great that it seemed as if the 
cord of cohesion between the Colonies was about to part when 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, acting in unison, joined forces 
with the South, protested against the proposed action of New 
England, and harmony among the incipient States was restored. 

Mr. Toastmaster, before closing I want to say I hope that 
what I have said of my New Jersey ancestry may be accounted 
to me for righteousness by New Jerseymen in the event that I 
am occasionally tempted by her beautiful roads to exceed the 
speed which she prescribes for automobiles. (Long continued 
applause. ) 

The Toastmaster: Most good things, it is said, come out 
of the East ; and in this part of the country there is nothing more 



Addresse;s, 1907. 25 

easterly than Jersey. Her virtues have been extolled, and her 
heritage of great men has been lauded. She has been prolific in 
statesmen and is proud of their triumphs. Eleven years ago one 
of her distinguished sons went forth, like Henry of Navarre, to 
a glorious conquest and returned from the great political arena 
at St. Louis with the prize of the Vice Presidency dangling at 
his belt. Another distinguished son, who retired from the ex- 
alted position of Justice of the Supreme Court of New Jersey 
when his party honored him with its nomination for Governor, 
has just completed a campaign waged not solely upon moral or 
political grounds but upon high considerations of public duty. 
He has promised great things for the Commonwealth of New 
Jersey, and he is a man who' has the spirit and the courage of his 
convictions — the distinguished Governor-elect of New Jersey, 
Hon. J. Franklin Fort — whom I now present. 

Hon. J. Franklin Fort, Governor-elect of New Jersey, was 
listened to attentively and frequently applauded throughout his 
thoughtful and interesting remarks. He said : 

Naturally I am of the opinion that New Jersey is the greatest 
State in the Union, and of course, I think, the recent election 
demonstrated that she has one hundred and ninety-four thou- 
sand of most appreciative and intelligent voters. It is not my 
province, however, on this occasion to descant upon her merits, 
for I have had an intimation that I am expected to reserve my 
speech until next year, and I have already had an invitation tO' 
come then and deliver it. Besides, I am apprehensive that any 
formal remarks of mine, at this time, would suffer by compari- 
son with the scholarly and eloquent address of Governor Stokes, 
whose brilliant record as the Chief Executive of New Jersey has 
attracted the attention of the American people and who has 
proven himself worthy of the great prize now dangling before 
his eyes. After-dinner speechmaking, as I learned from him 
when coming over on the train, has become one of the regular 
functions of the Governor of the State; but as I have not yet 
assumed the ofhce I promised myself not to attempt to make to 
you any lengthy address. 



26 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Something has been said here to-night which reminded me 
of a statement recently attributed to Dr. MacArthur, to the effect 
that if Washington or Lincoln were alive he would not be a 
politician in the sense in which that word is generally understood 
to-day ; and that neither of them, in his j udgment, would meas- 
ure up to the requirements of practical politics as a ruler of this 
republic. I regard that statement as fallacious. I believe that the 
principles for which George Washington stood and which were 
championed by our fathers and other patriotic Jerseymen and 
Pennsylvanians of the early days are just as vital in government 
and as conspicuous in executive administration to-day as they 
were then. I believe that the political integrity and moral cour- 
age which distinguished Abraham Lincoln when he lifted his 
standard and stood for the rights of man, in 1856, at Springfield, 
are as fully appreciated and as highly honored by the people 
to-day as at any time in our history. The individual counts for 
more to-day probably than he ever did in political affairs. John 
Hancock, Samuel Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamil- 
ton and their compeers stood for much in their day as individuals, 
but there came a time, owing to conditions arising from the Civil 
War and the patriotic impulses of the country, when men cared 
more for party than for individuals. The statement of Disraeli 
that Great Britain put too much faith in systems and too little in 
men was true at the time it was made. But we are now in a time 
when the people of this republic are looking more to the man, 
to his worth and capability, and relying more upon individual 
character and personal force than ever before. The direct prim- 
ary law has come and it is to be tested ; it is on trial. Whether it 
be good or bad, whether it succeeds or fails is yet to be deter- 
mined; but this is true, that under our law (and it is the same in 
other States in which the system is being tried), we are not to 
have any more party conventions. Who is to make the declara- 
tion of principles for which a party shall stand I do- not know. 
Both parties are in the same condition, and therefore my sugges- 
tion has no partisan application. We are deprived of the con- 
vention system at least. The man, therefore, is to count for more 
than he ever did before; he must make his own platfonn and 



Addresses, 1907. 27 

press his own candidacy ; he must stand for himself and for his 
party. To meet the requirements of the day he must possess 
three predominant characteristics : courage, intelHgence and in- 
tegrity. I name them in that order purposely because I have 
found, and you have found, in our communities, in business, in 
public affairs and in the professions, men who have intelligence 
and integrity beyond question, but who have not the courage to 
stand for what they believe to be right. 

In the business world, in our time, the means and methods 
of attaining business success are different from what they were 
in Revolutionary times or in the days of our fathers. You can- 
not now carry on business as they did. This is true also of the 
pulpit and the forum. It was stated by a clergyman, in my hear- 
ing, recently, that a half century or so ago only three things were 
requisite to make a successful preacher — "first, a Bible to take a 
text from ; second an almanac to know when Sunday came ; and 
third, a Democratic newspaper tO' illustrate total depravity." Of 
course I do not subscribe to the last requisite because I know of 
many Democrats who voted for me; I am only giving you the 
preacher's idea. As I was saying, in our time a man must have 
individuality, in whatever vocation he is engaged, if he would 
be successful. In the pulpit he must give up^to-date preaching ; 
at the bar he must have marked ability, great research, quick ap- 
plication and some knowledge of business affairs ; in medicine 
he must know the rudiments of his profession and be thoroughly 
competent to administer it ; in business he must be alert, inven- 
tive and full of suggestion ; in politics he must have honesty and 
must refrain from unworthy or disreputable methods. Some one 
has truly said that you business men are the foundation rock on 
which all the business prosperity of the country rests. The 
lawyer gets his fee, win or lose ; the doctor is paid, kill or cure ; 
the minister gets his salary, heaven or hell ; but the business man 
has bad debts, and you gentlemen know that it requires to-day 
qualifications of an inventive, aggressive character to achieve 
success in business. 

What did our fathers know of the business of to-day ? They 
never dreamed of what you men are doing now. All these great 



28 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania, 

inter-state railroads, across the States, that carry the traffic into 
our State were unthought of by the fathers. The position of 
New Jersey, lying between the States of Pennsylvania and New 
York, is such that the railroad systems of the South and West 
must carry their traffic across our State to reach the Hudson 
River, to be there trans-shipped to New England or for foreign 
ports. You gentlemen who have left us to make Pennsylvania 
great, and those of you who continue to reside in New Jersey 
must realize the importance of our State in this regard. We of 
New Jersey have these tremendous interests to conserve, to pro- 
tect and defend against influences which may wrongfully attack 
and attempt to destroy them; and when such attempts are made 
the courage, intelligence and integrity of Jerseymen will unite in 
repelling them. Jerseymen are courageous. The history of our 
State shows that our people have never been cowards. Neither 
in the Revolutionary days, in the Civil War nor in any national 
crisis has New Jersey been lacking in men of courage when her 
people understood the matters which confronted them. To-day 
they are as strong and united in behalf of what they believe to 
be right as were their fathers. Living almost under the shadow 
of Independence Hall, they are an honest, independent, thought- 
ful, courageous ( liberty-loving people; and those who are as- 
sembled around this table to-night prove the truth of that asser- 
tion. We believe in the future of this republic; we believe in 
the greatness of this nation ; and we believe that ours is a nation 
in the broadest and fullest sense of that word. Jerseymen believe 
that no greater or grander nation was ever known in history. 

When the great Declaration of Independence had been 
adopted and signed in your city, Franklin, the philosopher, states- 
man and diplomat, called attention to a carving on the framework 
of Washington's chair, representing the half of a sun; and as 
the welcome peals of the Old Liberty Bell proclaimed the adop- 
tion of the instrument, he said, "I have been wondering whether 
that was a rising or a setting sun; now I know that it is rising." 
We Jerseymen have to'-night no more sincere hope than that the 
sun of this republic, which Franklin saw half risen and which 
now has attained the full meridian of its glory, shall shine 




PS 

HO 



^2 
9fe 



Addresses, 1907. 29 

brighter and with greater splendor as the years go by. (Ap- 
plause. ) 

The ToastmastEr: Pennsylvania has contributed from her 
capitol, to grace this occasion, the distinguished Governor o£ our 
Commonwealth ; not a Jerseyman born, but a man of that in- 
dividuality which the last speaker so eloquently described as an 
attribute of real greatness in manhood. What special character- 
istic has made this man so attractive to the people of Pennsyl- 
vania? If it is not glory in combat, is it cleverness in business 
administration, is it wise statesmanship, is it finnnes of character, 
is it devotion to home and to duty, is it loyalty to friends and 
to party, is it integrity in all his personal or public relations ? I 
think that any one or all of these attributes suggest the answer. 
Not a greater soldier nor distinguished as a statesman, he was 
called from his daily pursuits as a private citizen and chosen by 
the people as the one man above all others worthy tO' be their 
leader, to lead them out of their wilderness and to guide the 
destinies of this great State — Governor Stuart, of Pennsylvania. 

Hon. Edwin S. Stuart, Governor of Pennsylvania, after 
an enthusiastic demonstration in his honor, responded that he had 
not come down to Philadelphia with any intention of making a 
speech or saying anything on the present occasion, but he had 
come as a guest of the Society and because of the presence of his 
friends, the present Governor and the Governor-elect of New Jer- 
sey. He said he did not propose tO' detain the company as the 
hour was late and all of the regularly appointed speakers had not 
been heard. He continued : 

I am not a Jerseyman unfortunately, having been born and 
having always resided in Pennsylvania. Possibly I differ from 
the little boy in the town of Litiz, Pennsylvania, who when I 
was there the other day was accosted on the street and asked, 
"Boy, have you lived in this village all your life." His reply 
was, "No, not yet." (Merriment.) 

Being personally acquainted with most of the gentlemen at 
this table to-night, I can bear testimony to the fact that Pennsyl- 



30 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

vania has benefited by their migration from New Jersey. The 
immigration has not ceased; in fact it has been a large part of 
my official duties at Harrisburg to answer requisitions from the 
Governor of New Jersey. He has insisted that his people must 
come back there, and he has multiplied business for us in his ef- 
forts to get them back. Certainly he has shown great interest in 
the whereabouts of certain Jerseymen; apparently he does not 
want one of them to go away from his State unless it is abso- 
lutely necessary he should go. 

Now, I am very glad to be here, tO' meet you gentlemen at 
the social board; and I hope that in helping tO' make the State 
of Pennsylvania prosperous the members of the New Jersey So- 
ciety will continue to promote their own prosperity. (Applause.) 

The Toastm aster, in presenting as the next speaker one 
of his Congressional colleagues, remarked that he would arro- 
gate to himself the right to present him in his own way. He ex- 
plained that, last summer, some old friends of his colleague, 
whom he met on the banks of Toms River, were wondering what 
had become of his friend, and one of them, a member of a ladies' 
debating society, inquired of the shopkeeper who was still hold- 
ing forth in the country store, "I wonder where in the world is 
Rube Moon ; he used to be so eloquent and forceful that he held 
us entranced when he spoke." The shopkeeper's reply was, 
"Well, I heard that Rube went down to Philadelphia and was 
a complete failure." 

The Toastmaster continued : I said, "It cannot be true. 
Reuben O. Moon, a Jerseyman to the manor born and a descend- 
ant of one of the most distinguished families, migrated to Phila- 
delphia, became a member of the bar of this city, went to Congress 
and is now the Chairman of the Committee on the Revision of 
the laws of the United States." Is this failure? I present the 
gentleman to speak for himself. 

Hon. Reuben O. Moon, M. C. from Philadelphia, replied 
good-naturedly that he presumed the lady who commented upon 
his career had concluded he was a failure because she had heard 



Addresses, 1907. 31 

he had gone to Congress. Explaining that he had given his 
pledge to Senator Knox, as an inducement for him to attend the 
dinner, that he would not be called on for a speech, Mr. Moon 
spoke of the skill with which the Toastmaster had secured a 
speech from the Senator and solved the difficulty. He called at- 
tention to the lateness of the hour and the fact that speakers on 
the program had not yet been heard as reasons why he should not 
occupy the time further than to say a few words about the pur- 
pose for which the Society was formed. He continued : 

Possibly you may ask what excuse has a New Jersey Society 
for existence in Pennsylvania. It owns no club house, it repre- 
sents no political party nor any special interest; but the object of 
its organization is set forth in its charter. The statement there is 
that its object is "to tender hospitality to and manifest friendship 
for natives of New Jersey when they may be temporarily so- 
journing in the City of Philadelphia, and to foster a spirit of gen- 
eral interest and friendly intercourse among those of New Jersey 
ancestry; to develop and perpetuate that spirit of patriotic pride 
in their native State which the prominence of New Jersey in the 
history of our nation and her conspicuous position as one of the 
thirteen original colonies should always inspire." 

That is the object of the Society; and, Mr. President, I con- 
gratulate you to-night upon your great success. It seems to me 
that if Murrell Dobbins is not proud to-night there is something 
lacking in his make-up. You have present here the Governor 
and Governor-elect of the State of New Jersey, the Governor of 
the State of Pennsylvania, the two distinguished Senators from 
Pennsylvania and the Mayor of the City of Philadelphia. You 
could not have any representatives of higher official station unless 
you would include among your guests the President of the United 
States ; and I am not sure, gentlemen, but that your list embraces 
even a guest who may achieve that distinction. 

I have never attended a banquet at which I felt so thoroughly 
at home. It is inspiring to look into the eyes of a hundred Jer- 
seym.en ; and as one claiming his birthright in the State of New 
Jersey I assure you it is a source of pride and pleasure for me to 
greet you here to-night. The more important speeches to follow 



32 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

and the rapid approach of midnight warn me not to detain you 
longer. ( Applause. ) 

The Toastmaster^ in introducing the next speaker (Mr. 
Lee), described him as one who delved into the tomes of history; 
whose relation to New Jersey was similar to that of Pennypacker 
to Pennsylvania ; and whose venerable appearance suggested that 
he might have crossed the Delaware with Washington, fought 
at Princeton and learned from actual observation something of 
the Mollie Pitcher incident. His claim to distinction, however, 
(the Toastmaster humorously added) was not like that of the 
aged colored individual whose occupation was driving a hack and 
who boasted not only that he was with Washington in crossing 
the Delaware, but that he was the man who pushed the boat ; and 
when the suggestion was made that he must have been present 
when the future Father of his country hacked the cherry tree, 
responded, "Yes, indeed, I was the man that drove the hack." 
(Merriment.) 

Hon. Francis B. LeE, State Historian of New Jersey, re- 
sponded with much good humor. He said he inferred from 
some of the speeches that the favorite theme for each speaker to 
discuss was either the circumstances which led to his birth in the 
City of Philadelphia, or explaining why he was born somewhere 
else. In his own case, Mr. Lee stated, he was no' exception to the 
general rule. He was sure that the intention of the family was 
that he should have been born in Cape May County. But by 
reason of pre-natal influence, he so impressed the idea of being 
Philadelphia bom upon his maternal parent that he came very 
near making his advent upon a Camden ferry boat. In that case, 
he said, he would have had neither a Philadelphia nor a Jersey 
claim to recognition. He would not have been brought up by 
poor but honest Democratic parents and fed upon the natural 
food of infants, but would have been the foundling of the Inter- 
state Commerce Commission and would have been raised by Con- 
gressman "Hampy" Moore's Deeper Water Ways Conference. 
By reason of a cab and the conveniences offered by a hostelry 



Addre^sses, 1907. 33 

near by the Philadelphia ferry house, the speaker came into the 
world in the old city of Penn. Shortly afterward he returned to 
Cape May where he became the exponent of the "simple life" 
upon the product of terrapin and other features of diet of "un- 
objectional" persons. 

But, gentlemen (the speaker continued), I am to say a word 
for New Jersey, that State which the Lord, in His infinite wis- 
dom, made late, after having had experience. When from the 
void, the earth took form, with the sun to rule by day and the 
moon by night, there, at last, was shaped New Jersey. Fragrant 
ocean breezes swept the State, soughed through the "Pines" and 
rippled the lakes on the mountain tops. All that was fitted for 
man's habitation was given to New Jersey. Then the Lord said, 
"I will make a companion for New Jersey," and then He made 
Pennsylvania, equally as fair. Then He rested. And an Evil 
Spirit came and said, "Lord, what Thou hast done is good, but 
Thy work is not finished;" and the answer came, "Go thy way 
and see what thou canst do." Then the Devil set to work, and, 
left to the devices of his own heart, made New York and formed 
ways whereby new-rich Pittsburghers could come to salt-water, 
spend their money and lay the bases of alimony proceedings. 

But man had not yet come to his own. So' it was that William 
Penn, as sagacious in selecting available real estate as he was 
capable in state-craft and virtuous in his faith, sent out his 
colonists to New Jersey and later to his princely domain of Penn- 
sylvania. There was implanted in the hearts of the adventurers 
and settlers two elements — friendliness to the natives and to emi- 
grants of different tongues and beliefs, and a conservative view 
of life. 

It is a national view that all sections shotuld stand for some- 
thing. The New England States stand for local self government 
and, as has been well said, the sufferings of the Puritan mothers 
who had to live with the Puritan fathers. The South stands for 
pride of race and oratory, the Pacific Coast for climate and 
energy; and the mid-West has to stand for William J. Bryan. 
New Jersey and Pennsylvania stand for conservatism, a spirit 
that has given these Commonwealths a reputation of continental 

3 



34 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

breadth. From this conservative spirit, particularly in the Del- 
aware valley, has grown that sincere desire for fair dealing and 
dispensing of an even-handed justice, of the "J^i*^ey" variety, 
which is the basis of good government — not the tendency tO' run 
wildly into phases of so-called "reform" foisted upon the Ameri- 
can people in certain circles, under the hope of making the world 
better by legislation. 

(Mr. Lee here referred to notable evnts in the history of 
New Jersey, particularly to the foundation at an early day, in 
that State, of educational systems.) 

He continued: 

New Jersey's conservative spirit, at the very beginning, was 
the actuating cause for the development of a system of public 
education. A first step in the • establishment of the free public 
school systemi in the United States was taken in Burlington, in 
1682, when the rental of Matinicunk island in the Delaware was 
set apart for a school for the use of whites, negroes and Indians. 
The same conservative spirit in Pennsylvania led tO' the establish- 
ment of the "Log College" out of which grew Princeton, then 
Rutgers, and lastly Stevens. In Pennsylvania the outgrowth of 
the "Log College" was the University of Pennsylvania. From 
that University, the public school systemi of the State has grown. 
In this conservative spirit of the Delaware Valley you find that 
element of progress and activity that manifested itself in New 
Jersey's attitude in the Continental Congress, leading to the An- 
napolis Convention and her unanimous adoption of the Federal 
Constitution of 1787. It was the same conservative spirit that 
led tO' the building of lines of transportation and that gave to the 
United States, in the year 18 15, the first railroad charter granted 
by any State — a charter for the "New Jersey Railroad" to run 
from the Delaware to the Raritan Rivers. Out of this grew the 
Delaware and Raritan Canal and the Camden and Amboy Rail- 
road systems in 1831. Shortly thereafter the first railroad train, 
uniting North and South, East and West, was run over the line 
between Camden and South Amboy. The same New Jersey spirit 
led Fitch to run the first steamboat in 1787 and gave impetus to 
Stevens' work with the steamship, inaugurating steam communi- 



AddressiJS, 1907. 35 

cation, in the open sea, between Hoboken and Philadelphia. This 
aided in giving to the world the first steamship, "The Savannah," 
that crossed the Atlantic Ocean, the machinery of which vessel 
was devised and made in Speedwell, in the State of New Jersey. 
That conservative spirit stimulated among the pecple of New 
Jersey an interest in the further development of facilities of com- 
munication, and the first workable telegraph line was established 
in the yard of Princeton College by Joseph Henry, It pointed 
the way tO' those magnificent discoveries of Mr. Edison in his 
early effort at Menlo Park, and later in Orange, where he de- 
veloped and commercially applied the electric light, the telephone 
and other devices, and where he has accomplished other remark- 
able achievements in the utilization of electricity. In philan- 
thropy, it was that sarrie conservative spirit that animated the 
Quaker, John Woolman, the exemplar of the cause of human 
rights, who did so' much in the early days to crystallize the senti- 
ment of the Colonies for the emancipation of the slaves when he 
preached the doctrine of political equality. It was this John 
Woolman, of Rancocas, who was the first to urge the establish- 
ment of a general free school system; and it was he who laid 
down that plan of the "simple life" which is advocated by Presi- 
dent Theodore Roosevelt. It is this spirit of conservatism that 
impresses those who select New Jersey as a place for homes and 
summer residences. It has given us eminent jiurists^ — the Greens 
and Beasleys, and soldiers and divines of equal prominence. In 
short, it has made our State famous and the name of New Jersey 
one of which every Jerseyman may be proud. 

Broadly, when we look at the record of what has been ac- 
complished by Pennsylvania and New Jersey, through their inti- 
mate association and the community of interest which binds them 
together, of which so much has been said by both Pennsylvanians 
and Jerseymen, we feel that the two States have reason to be 
proud of each other and of the work that each has done. I 
hope that this organization, which symbolizes the best interests of 
both States, may continue to promote those friendly relations 
which had their origin in the days of Penn, which were cemented 
in the American Revolution, preserved unceasingly since that 



36 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

time, and that they may be further extended and maintained as 
long as the Federal Union shall exist. (Applause.) 

The Toastmaster, in calling upon Mayor Reyburn to: ex- 
tend a greeting in the name of the city to the Society and its 
guests, and to pronounce a benediction at the same time, ex- 
plained that that gentleman's late arrival was due to many en- 
gagements and that he had canceled some O'f them: in order to pay 
his respects to the Society. 

Hon. John E. Reyburn, Mayor of the City of Philadelphia, 
responded amid much enthusiasm. He said. 

It is difficult for me tO' speak of New Jersey without recalling 
many pleasant recollections because many of the happiest and 
freest days of my life were spent in that State; and if I am still 
possessed of some vigor I am indebted for it largely to the in- 
vigorating air of the Jersey coast. In fact when my name, was 
first mentioned in connection with the nomination for the Mayor- 
ality, the charge was made, though it was not substantiated, that 
I lived in New Jersey, not in Philadelphia, and that I had larger 
interests in that State than in this city. 

It is a great gratification to^ me to be here tO' welcome native- 
born Jerseymen, and I have been especially gratified by what has 
been said of the cordial and intimate associations which have ex- 
isted between Jerseymen and Pennsylvanians from the first set- 
tlement of this country to the present day. My friend Lee has 
reminded me to-night of the mutual interest and bond of brother- 
hood which in the early days united New Jersey and Pennsyl- 
vania in behalf of one common cause. This was conspicuous 
in the trying days of the Revolution. Recently, in tracing back 
my right toi become a member of a patriotic order of this country 
I found that five of my ancestors had gone from Pennsylvania to 
New Jersey to join the patriots of that State in fighting to save 
their country. 

The men of New Jersey and of Pennsylvania have loyally 
responded to their country's call for the defense of the flag in 
every crisis. In every great movement for the perpetuation of 



Addre:ssi;s, 1907. 37 

the Union and the preservation of the institutions of which we 
are so proud, Jerseymen and Pennsylvanians were to be found, 
shoulder to shoulder, under the same flag and never flinching for 
a moment. Therefore I am glad to^ be here to-night and, as the 
Chief Magistrate of this city, to welcome these sons of New Jer- 
sey. I believe and am confident that the organization of this 
Society will promote the welfare of! both States and the general 
interests of all the States of the Union; and, as a parting bene- 
diction, I pray that the governmental affairs of this great country 
we all love may be placed in the hands of a citizen as tried and 
true as the patriotic sons of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, for 
then we will know that the country will be safe. (Applause.) 

The ToastmasTER, in closing the festivities, thanked the 
speakers for their eloquent and patriotic words which, he said, 
had stirred the hearts of all present. He continued : 

Some word of compliment is due to Mr. Harold P. Moon, 
the Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements, to whose good 
taste and excellent management we are indebted for the orderly 
and judicious arrangement of all the details for our entertainment. 
The first annual dinner of this Society is a happy and auspicious 
event, and we tender our congratulations to the officers. The 
President of the Society is the modest gentleman who sits at my 
right, Mr. Howard B. French. We trust that this occasion may 
be an inspiration to him and his associates in the beneficent work 
to which the Mayor of the city has so beautifully referred. 

I suggest that before adjourning we rise and drink to- the 
health of our retiring President, Mr. Murrell Dobbins. 

(The entire company rose and complied with the suggestion 
very cordially, after which Hon. Francis B. Lee led in the sing- 
ing of Auld Lang Syne.) 



ADDRESSES 

The second annual banquet of the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania was held at the Union League House, Philadel- 
phia, on Friday evening, December i8th, 1908. 

The dining hall was resplendent with floral and other decora- 
tions; the National standard, the State colors O'f Pennsylvania 
and New Jersey and the name of the Society in electric lights 
being conspicuous among Christmas trees, garlands and shrub- 
bery. 

There was no formal list of toasts or speakers, and addresses 
were made in response to the call of the Chair. 

Mr. Howard B. French, the President of the Society, 
presided, and the speakers were Hon. Boies Penrose, U. S. Sena- 
tor from Pennsylvania; Hon. Francis B. Lee, State Historian 
of New Jersey ; Hon. John E. Reyburn, Mayor of Philadelphia ; 
Hon. Joseph G. Cannon, Speaker of the National House of 
Representatives; Hon. James S. Sherinan, Vice President-elect 
of the United States, and Hon. J. Hampton Moore, Congressman 
from Philadelphia. 

President French,, when the menu card had been laid aside, 
said : Gentlemen, at this second annual banquet of the New Jer- 
sey Society of Pennsylvania, we are more than ordinarily hon- 
ored by the presence of distinguished guests. I regret exceed- 
ingly that some of those whom he had hoped to have with us are 
not here. They have sent their regrets, and as their letters are 
not very long, I will read three or four of them for your informa- 
tion. They are of recent date and addressed to the President 
of the Society. 

"Hot Springs, Va. 

I beg to acknowledge receipt of your favor of 

the 24th November, inviting me on behalf of 

the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania to attend 

(38) 



Addresses, 1908. 39 

the annual banquet, in Philadelphia, on December 
1 8th, and in reply to say that it will not be pos- 
sible for me to accept the kind invitation on ac- 
count of the engagements which I have already 
made and important matters demanding my con- 
sideration. 

I thank you for inviting me and should be glad 
to accept if I were able. I am very grateful both 
to New Jersey and Pennsylvania. 

Very sincerely yours, 

Wm. H. Taet.'^ 



"Bxecntive Department, 
State of Pennsylvania. 
I have pleasure in acknowledging the receipt 
of your very kind letter of the i8th instant, invit- 
ing me to attend the second annual dinner of the 
New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, at the Union 
League, Philadelphia, on Friday, December i8th, 
and would like very much to be able to accept, but 
unfortunately the great pressure of official business 
incident to the approaching session of the legisla- 
ture makes it impossible for me to accept any 
further invitations for the month of December. 

Assuring you of my appreciation of your 
courteous invitation and deeply regretting my in- 
ability to attend the dinner, I remain, 

Yours sincerely, 

Edwin S. Stuart.'" 



"Executive Chamber, 
State of New Jersey. 
I regret to say that it is absolutely impossible 
for me to be with you at the New Jersey Society 
on the 1 8th instant. My engagements are such 
that it is absolutely out of the question for me to 
undertake to fill any more at the present time. 



40 Ne;w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania, 

Regretting this as much as you possibly can, 
I am, with kind regards. 

Yours very truly, 

John Frankein Fort. 



"Executive Chamber, 
State of New York. 
I have received your letter and I thank you for 
your cordial invitation to be present at the banquet 
of the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, to be 
held in Philadelphia on the i8th of December. It 
would give me much pleasure to- meet with the 
members of the Society, and I greatly regret that 
my engagements here make it absolutely im- 
possible. 

Very sincerely yours, 

Charees E. Hughes." 

Other letters, which I need not read, convey regrets from 
Governor Lee, of Delaware; from the "Father of the House," 
General Henry H. Bingham ; Senator Knox, Lieutenant Governor 
Murphy and others. 

Gentlemen, I feel that not only the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania, but the States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey 
have been more than usually honored by the presence of those 
distinguished gentlemen whom we have with us to-night. ' As it 
is unnecessary for me tO' express publicly to them, as I have in 
private, our appreciation of the honor they have conferred upon 
us, I will proceed at once with the program. In beginning our 
"feast of reason and flow of soul," I thinl<: it proper to call upon 
a distinguished representative of Pennsylvania — Senator Penrose. 

Hon. Boies Penrose, U. S. Senator from Pennsylvania, re- 
sponding with characteristic force and eloquence, was generously 
applauded. He said: 

Mr. President and Gentlemen : This early call reminds me of 
the inscription upon a tombstone in a Connecticut burial ground, 




■■■■■■■■■i 



SURVEYOR-GENERAL'S OFFICE, BURLINGTON, N. J., 1S2 



Addresses, 1908. 41 

over the grave of one who passed away at an early age, "I 
expected this but not so soon." Indeed, I could truthfully say 
that, in view of the distinguished company you have here and 
the fact that I helped to adjourn your dinner a year ago, I 
counted confidently upon being overlooked to-night. I have a 
roving commission, no toast having been assigned me, and there- 
fore may be permitted to congratulate your Society upon this 
remarkably successful celebration of its second anniversary. It 
is clear to me that the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania has 
come to stay. It is evident to me that there is a spirit of good 
fellowship here, an absence of ceremony, a lack of convention- 
ality, a freedom of intercourse, which if continued will make your 
annual dinner one of the marked features of the social winters 
of Philadelphia. 

It is well that we should maintain these State associations. 
Many of us have stayed where we originated, not having the 
enterprise to leave the ancient fireside ; but those who, in the pur- 
suit of fortune, to achieve distinction or to gratify ambition, 
have left their native soil do well to cultivate the ancient, patri- 
otic traditions of their State ; and there are none more glorious 
than those which attach to a New Jersey ancestry. I have no 
sympathy with the snob or with those who endeavor by devious 
and questionable methods to trace their genealogy to remote be- 
ginnings, but I am in entire accord with those who, like your- 
self, Mr. Chairman, take pride in an old and patriotic American 
lineage. The future of our country and the preservation of our 
institutions depend largely upon our realization of our great 
American inheritance. 

There is no State in the Union that has traditions more glori- 
ous than those of New Jersey. Pennsylvania and New Jersey 
both started on their splendid careers together. The early im- 
migrant, fleeing from the oppression of the Royal tyranny in 
England, and the humble and conscientious Quaker came up the 
Delaware and settled along its shores in Pennsylvania and New 
Jersey. Many of them had been soldiers of Cromwell, heroes 
in the cause of liberty ; and many of them had attested their de- 
votion to that cause in the jails and dungeons of England, 



42 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

It is fitting that you should assemble and that New Jersey 
and Pennsylvania should join together in preserving traditions 
of American patriotism and American civilization. Pennsyl- 
vania, while she may overshadow in territorial dimensions and 
industrial development her sister State, shares with pride equally 
in her patriotic memories. Pennsylvania, of all the States in 
the Union, could to-day stand alone and could from her own 
loom spin the web of prosperity. She could from her own fac- 
tories and industrial establishments clothe and equip an army 
and a fleet and stand, as few countries even in Europe could 
stand, independent of the rest of the world. Our great State, 
embracing as it does the American continent from the tide- 
waters on the Atlantic slope tO' the headwaters of the Ohio and 
the gateway of the West, welcome you, Jerseymen, extends to 
you a fraternal hand, is glad of the infusion of noble citizenship 
and brilliant enterprise of which your presence assures her, bids 
you God-speed and hopes that your annual meetings may con- 
tinue for many years in her midst. (Enthusiasm.) 

The President: Gentlemen, we have heard from Pennsyl- 
vania. We now want to hear from New Jersey, our mother 
State. I have great pleasure in calling upon Hon. Francis B. 
Lee, of New Jersey. 

Hon. Francis B. Lee, State Historian of New Jersey, was 
greeted with many manifestations of kindly feeling. His re- 
sponse, interspersed with the accompanying applause, was as 
follows : 

Mr. President, you have called upon me as a citizen, to 
respond to the sentiment, "The State of New Jersey" — one that 
should not only recall glorious memories, but should awaken the 
enthusiasm of every Jerseyman. You have called upon me to 
respond for that State within whose confines were gathered for 
the first time the New Englander, the Quaker, the French Hu- 
guenot, the Irishman, the German and the Palatinate settler from 
the Rhenish Valley — a State which originally was the amal- 
gamating point of racial influence in America — a State which 



Addresse;s, 1908. 43 

foregathered from the face of the continent of Europe and from 
England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland, and welded together, ele- 
ments which became the strongest influences in the upbuilding 
of the American people — a State where, in the Colonial days 
those influences made an indelible impression on the body politic 
and were given formal expression, for the first time, in the Grant 
and Concessions of the proprietors of West Jersey. The title 
of that historic instrument is reproduced literally upon the first 
page of your menu book to-night, as follows : "The Concessions 
and Agreements of the Proprietors, Freeholders and Inhabitants 
of the Province of West Jersey in America." You will 
find in that document the beginning of the movements which we 
now call "The Referendum" and "The Initiative." That docu- 
ment was the first in America — indeed, gentlemen, the first in 
the entire history of the world — to contain a declaration of equal 
rights, civil and religious, for all mankind; and that document 
was penned by the hand of John Locke, the philosopher, and was 
attested by William Penn. 

You will find further, by reference to the official "Collection 
of the Laws of New Jersey," that the same spirit of American 
freedom found free expression in New Jersey's framework of 
government and that throughout all of her Colonial legislation 
and later, in her history as a State, due consideration is given 
to the fundamental declaration that the right of the individual 
to local self-government must be supreme. At the same time 
there was, throughout all of that early period, full recognition 
of a central authority; the right of personal liberty being exer- 
cised within legitimate limits and never being carried so far as 
to threaten or assail the constituted government. Nor did the 
Jerseyman turn away from the Crown until the Crown itself, 
by tyrannical oppression, laid its iron hand upon the Jerseyman 
and sought to throttle him. Then, in the last extremity, at a 
time when the Liberty Bell was pealing forth the Declaration 
of Independence, in Philadelphia, the Constitutional Convention 
of New Jersey, in the town of Burlington, proclaimed likewise 
that it was time for Jerseymen as well as the Colonists of the 
other twelve Provinces to be a free and independent people. 



44 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

The same spirit of independence in relig-ious and in civil life 
has ever been characteristic of New Jerse,y; and in equally 
marked degree she has vindicated her right to the high position 
she occupies by reason of v^hat she has accomplished in indus- 
trial enterprise and by the contributions which, through the in- 
ventive genius of her people, have been made to the material 
wealth of the nation and of the world. I beg to mention a few 
of these achievements. Only the other day, in the beautiful little 
town of Speedwell, nestling among the hills of Northern New 
Jersey, in the county of Morris, there was destroyed by fire a 
brick building. So little importance was attached to it that its 
destruction scarcely attracted the attenion of the newspaper 
press; and yet within the walls of that forgotten structure 
were made the first experiments by Vail when, laboring night 
and day, he devised and practically perfected the American sys- 
tem of telegraphy. The first commercial use of a telegraph in- 
strument at Speedwell marked the beginning of the colossal 
system of telegraphy now in use throughout the world. 

In August, 1787, while the Pennsylvania Constitutional Con- 
vention was in session in Philadelphia, there went up the Dela- 
ware River a small steamboat — imperfect in construction and 
yet full of promise of things to be; and upon its bow sat John 
Fitch, the inventor of the American steamboat — Fulton and all 
the others to the contrary. It is a fact that fifteen years and 
more before Robert Fulton ploughed the Delaware River pas- 
sengers were conveyed from the City of Philadelphia to the 
City of Trenton by John Fitch, the forgotten button-maker of the 
Continental Army, who lived in the City of Trenton. 

The first railway train in this country that carried a pas- 
senger, which may be said to have heralded the development of 
our system of interstate commerce, was run in Burlington 
County; and the first railroad constructed in America (which 
later, as a part of a through line, showed it to be possible to 
travel from Boston to New York and thence to Philadelphia by 
rail, and which is now a link in the great national highway unit- 
ing New England with the West and South) was built in Bur- 
lington County. The first steam turbine wheel and self-propel- 



Addressi^s, 1908. 45 

ing boat were built in the yard of Jobn Stevens, of Hoboken. 
The first machinery for an ocean-going vessel was made in the 
Speedwell Works, where the earliest telegraph instrument was 
made a commercial possibility. The first glass works in America 
were established in the County of Salem. The first pottery in 
the United States that was successful was located, in 1684, in 
the City of Burlington. The first successful developments of 
vulcanite rubber and of the modern uses of commercial rubber 
were accomplished in and around the City of Trenton. The first 
favorable results in the manufacture of American silk were shown 
in the City of Paterson. And so I might go on almost indefinitely 
if my time was not limited. I have spoken of these achieve- 
ments inasmuch as your distinguished Chairman asked me to 
respond for New Jersey; and I sure you will agree with me, 
in the presence of gentlemen equally as distinguished as ourselves, 
that the people of New Jersey have a right to be proud of the 
record they have made. (Applause.) 

The: Presidi^nt : Gentlemen, I am sure you were all proud 
of being Jerseymen before you heard the speech just delivered, 
and now you must be doubly proud of it. I am for one. We had 
not perhaps fully appreciated that Jersey was so pre-eminent in 
all that makes a State really great. But your Toastmaster does 
not propose to indulge in any formal remarks, as you will hear 
from him often enough; he prefers to have your guests talk. 
He now has the pleasure of calling upon a gentleman who is 
well known in this community and in this Society, a representa- 
tive Philadelphian, who stands for advancement in municipal 
affairs, who wants to go ahead and not stand still — Mayor Rey- 
bum, of Philadelphia. 

Hon. John E. Reyburn, Mayor of the City of Philadelphia, 
was cordially greeted and frequently applauded. He said : 

Mr. Chairman and, I am inclined to say, Fellow Jerseymen, 
because so much of my life has been spent in New Jersey that I 
rather feel I am one of you; but after all, there are really no 
lines between Pennsylvania and New Jersey, or at least we don't 



46 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

keep any in our minds. Our communities are so neighborly that 
we forget all about geographical lines. New Jersey is so thor- 
oughly intermingled and commingled with Pennsylvania that 
we recognize a kind of universal brotherhood among the people 
of both States, and we come together in this spirit of good 
fellowship and kindly feeling which is so manifest here to-night, 
and proud to be not only citizens of these great States but citizens 
of the great United States. We come together to-night glad to 
feel that we are a part, an important part, of this great Republic ; 
that we have an equal interest in the great work which that 
Republic is carrying on and that that work, as it grows and 
increases, will make our country more prosperous and powerful 
and a more beautiful place in which tO' live. We know that 
some of the guests here to-night are to continue to take a leading 
part in the administration of the Government and that others 
of them are carrying the same burden of responsibility and have 
been carrying it faithfully and well. We know that we can con- 
fidently trust our own and the destinies of our country to their 
hands. Only recently, when there was a time of doubt and ap- 
prehension, when we were threatened with radical changes and 
embarrassments, when we looked into- each other's faces and 
wondered how far the national interests and business conditions 
were to be injured, we were reassured by "Uncle Joe." 

(A demonstration of enthusiasm greeted the reference to the 
distinguished Speaker of the National House of Representatives ; 
the audience, under the lead of Congressman Joel Cook, com- 
plimenting that gentleman with a round of cheers. ) 

I will never forget with what satisfaction I read, in a morn- 
ing newspaper I had picked up, that "Uncle Joe" had declared 
"There will be nothing rash or hostile done in Congress," That 
assurance was most gratifying to business men generally; hope 
and confidence replaced the worriment and anxiety which had 
marked their countenances, and they felt inspired with fresh 
vigor and determination to carry the burdens and solve the 
problems that daily confronted them. The country passed 
through that ordeal successfully, thank God, and doubtless it 
was made better by that chastening. It realizes that its interests 



Addresses, 1908. 47 

are in safe hands, that no rash act in legislation will be per- 
petrated and that the constituted and constitutional authorities 
will stand ready to meet any issue that may be raised against our 
institutions. The foundations of those institutions were laid by 
the men of New Jersey, Pennsylvania and their sister States; 
they have been built upon with safety; and they will stand like 
a rock and cannot be shaken. 

It gives me, of course, great pleasure for this New Jersey 
Society to come together in our city and to bring their guests 
here that they may see our city and become acquainted with the 
members of the Society and its purpose. In welcoming them 
and visitors from any State, I can point with pride to the many 
patriotic associations with which the name of Philadelphia has 
been identified from the birth of our city; to the sterling worth 
and conservative, well regulated character of our people, who 
are not carried away by isms or by curious patents devised to 
relieve mankind. They believe in that steady, substantial pro- 
gress that amounts to something, that manifests itself in practi- 
cal, beneficent results and accomplishes the greatest good for the 
whole people. It is for this that Philadelphia stands to-day; 
and if I can regard myself as representing any idea it is the idea 
that we are going to demonstrate to the world that government 
by a political organization can be an honest, straightforward, 
progressive, upright government. And we will so impress this 
upon public attention that no man will be able to successfully 
dispute it. 

Gentlemen, I repeat that I am glad to have you meet here, 
to have you mingle with us, to let us see you and talk with you, 
and to tell you what our aspirations are and learn what yours 
are. Let us keep going ahead in building up our communities, 
making the people prosperous and happy and exerting ourselves 
for the public good and for that alone. (Applause.) 

The President: Gentlemen, the Mayor has spoken of the 
wisdom and prudence of the present administration of the 
Government; and his experience in national and local affairs 
qualifies him to speak upon that subject. I was particularly im- 



48 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

pressed by his cordial recognition of his old comrade in Congress, 
the distinguished Speaker of the House of Representatives, whom 
he saluted as "Uncle Joe." The incident reminded me that we 
had to go to Congress to get a Mayor for our city. Possibly the 
precedent thus established may have some weight in the future 
and another Chief Magistrate may be selected from among the 
many Congressmen who are here to-nig-ht. 

It now gives me more than ordinary pleasure, not to introduce 
or present to you, because neither introduction nor presentation 
is necessary, but to call upon "Uncle Joe." (Cheers.) Speaker 
Cannon is an American from the soles of his feet to the crown 
of his head. As Presiding Officer of the popular branch of Con- 
gress he has signally demonstrated his capacity for leadership; 
he is a man who knows how to attract and manage others. He 
is going to continue in the high position he occupies for, I hope, 
many years to come. I have great pleasure in calling upon 
Speaker Cannon. 

Hon. Joseph G. Cannon rose to respond amid a furor of 
enthusiasm; the entire company also' rising, waving handkerchiefs 
and cheering with much earnestness. His address was inter- 
spersed with applause. He said : 

Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen : It afiforded me great pleas- 
ure to receive your invitation tO' attend the annual banquet of 
the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. It affords me more 
pleasure tO' be present with you in pursuance of that invitation. 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania and New York and the New England 
States have contributed much that is best to the new Common- 
wealths that have sprung into the sisterhood of States in the 
Middle West and in the Far West. Therefore, whenever an)?" 
of the sons of the old States gather together tO' sing the praises 
of their native Commonwealth and congratulate each other upon 
the success which they have achieved, they strike a chord that 
sounds throughout all the sisterhood of States. 

I always like to come to Philadelphia. In Illinois, my State 
by adoption, we are proud of the histoi-y of the City of Brother- 
ly Love, proud of the magnificent growth and development of 



Addrksse;s, 1908. 49 

the great States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, as we are 
proud of the wonderful progress that has been made by our own 
State and its great city of Chicago. Illinois now stands third 
among all the States in population and third in production, not 
only in agriculture but in all the industries, and this position she 
has achieved practically in one generation. 

There are eighty-five million people in the United States, or 
twenty-five to^ the square mile. We have as yet but scratched 
our resources. With a far better country than continental Eu- 
rope, when we are fully developed we will have five hundred 
million people; and, while there are some who ask now and then 
about the "Young Man Absalomi," concluding that the young 
man has but little chance, yet the youth of the land during the 
swing of the twentieth century, in the development of our re- 
sources and in the diversification of our industries, will have far 
greater opportunities than men, Mr. Toastmaster, of your age, 
or even of m.y age have had. I am an optimist — thank God. 
The world grows better and the civilization stronger and wiser, 
notwithstanding the croakings of the pessimist. 

Before leaving Washington I asked my secretary to get to- 
gether something that would bear on life a hundred years ago. 
I rarely use manuscript, but he happened upon several very inter- 
esting matters, and I was reminded as I read over first one 
memorandum and then another of a fact I have always known, 
that while Massachusetts contributed his youth, Pennsylvania 
developed the early manhood and middle life tO' glorious old age 
of perhaps the greatest man that the new world has ever pro- 
duced — Benjamin Franklin — great as philosopher, diplomat and 
statesman, whose wisdom was of inestimable value in the delib- 
rations of the Constitutional Convention. I have here a memo- 
randum; from "Madison's Notes on the Constitution." I will 
not weary you by reading much but will call tO' your attention 
just a sentence or two of the sayings of Franklin. 

The Constitutional Convention that assembled in Philadel- 
phia met in secret session. I do not know what the press would 
say now to secret sessions, but in that great gathering of patriotic 
men, presided over by George Washington, who' pledged their 



50 New Ji:rsey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

honor and g"ood faith in the service of the new-born nation, the 
sessions necessarily had to be secret. It is doubtful if otherwise 
the great compromise document which they proposed as the 
Constitution of the United States, afterwards adopted by the 
requisite number of individual States, and which we have with 
us yet, could have been brought forth. It is courious to note 
what Franklin said : 

''I confess that there are several parts of this Constitu- 
tion which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure 
I shall never approve them. For, having lived long-, I have 
experienced many instances of being- obliged by better in- 
formation or fuller consideration to change opinions, even 
on important subjects, which I once thought right but found 
to be otherwise. It is, therefore, that the older I grow the 
more apt I am to doubt my own judgment and to pay more 
respect to the judgment of others." 

H: Hi >iJ Hi Hi H« Hs 

"I agree to this Constitution with all its faults, if they 
are such, because I think a general government necessary 
for us, and there is no formi of government but what may 
be a blessing to the people, if iwell administered." 

"I doubt, too, whether any other convention we can ob- 
tain may be able to make a better Constitution; for when 
you assemble a number of men to have the advantage of 
their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble with those men 
all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, 
their local interests, and their selfish views." 

He said further on : 

"Thus I consent. Sir, to this Constitution, because I ex- 
pect no better and because I am not sure that it is not the 
best. The opinions I have had of its errors 1 sacrifice to 
the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them 
abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they 
shall die. If every one of us in returning to our constitu- 
ents were to repeat the objections he has had to it and en- 



Addresses, 1908. 51 

deavor to^ gain partisans in support of them, we might pre- 
vent its being generally received, and thereby lose all salu- 
tary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our 
favor among foreign nations as well as among ourselves 
from our real or apparent unanimity." 

Then, in closing, Franklin said : 

"On the whole, I cannot help expressing a wish that 
every member of the Convention who may still have objec- 
tions to it would, with me, on this occasion doubt a little 
hi's own infallibility and make manifest our unanimity, and 
put his name to this instrument." 

The Constitution of the United States was a great compro- 
mise framed by great men, who could give and take. I would 
at times that all the people of the great Republic might read 
the address of Franklin, short and efficient and patriotic as it 
was. 

Did it ever occur to you that we would not make much 
progress for the civilization and for the nation if each one of 
the eighty-five million people in the country vv^ere to flock off in 
a corner by himself and say, "God and one is a majority; God 
stands there, and I am the one." I sometimes wonder whether 
it ever occurred to any of the self-devoted patriots and wise men 
who make such declarations that perhaps God is a majority with- 
out one. (Merriment.) All government that is not by force 
is a result of compromise. All legislation is a result of com- 
promise. No twoi men on the earth, or that ever were on earth, 
worship the same God. While God is unchangeable, yet to 
each one He is according to the individual's own conception. 
If we make progress at all it is only by those who substantially 
agree, subordinating something of personal conviction to prac- 
tical results. 

You may say that this is trite and shopworn, and yet there 
never has been a time since the close of the Civil War when I 
have felt more earnestly the necessity of harking back to the 
old, "shopworn" if you choose, and trite declaration that we only 



52 Ne^w Je;rse:y Society of P'ennsyIvVAnia, 

progress as we co-operate; and for the purpose of co-operation 
each individual must sacrifice something of his personal con- 
viction, if we are tOi advance at all. Where the people are com- 
petent toi govern, a government of the people is the best possible 
government on earth. Yet it has its weak points. If the 
Almighty, sitting on His throne, were to take upon Himself the 
government of the world it would be perfect, because there would 
be all wisdom crossed on all power. But most of us believe that 
when He threw the earth into space from the palm of His hand, 
He placed unchanging, fixed law upon matter, and that under 
that law the human race must work out its own salvation. 

In this country we believe in the freedom of the press and 
freedom of speech. If we could stop there it would be magnifi- 
cent, but it grows somewhat uncomfortable when, perchance, 
now and then freedom of speech or freedom of the press be- 
comes what might be called license of speech and license of the 
press, without regard to law or the best interests of the civiliza- 
tion. Yet this is merely one of the uncomfortable manifestations 
in th.e progress of the race, and it is far better to have these 
objectionable manifestations now and then than it would be to 
have a bridle placed upon speech or a bridle placed upon the 
press. 

Oh, gentlemen, in the last analysis a wise and patriotic public 
sentiment prevails. The fathers gave us the Constitution. It 
was the result of compromise, but it was made under the hand 
of necessity by wise men and ratified by wise constituencies. 
Under the Constitution the judiciary, the executive, the legisla- 
tive, each a check and a balance, if you please, upon the other, 
in the main, as heretofore, do now, and will in the future, enable 
us with our splendid population tOi work out good results for 
the body politic. But such results can only come from a patriotic 
and wise public sentiment. Constitutions and laws, although 
you mig-ht pile one upon the other mountain high, would amount 
to nothing, would be as the sounding brass and the tinkling 
cymbal, without a patriotic and courageous people to demand the 
preservation of the fixed law and the enactment of wise laws in 
harmony with it. 



Addresses, 1908. 53 

This truth can be demonstrated in one sentence. Down in 
Mexico they have a constitution in haec verba Hke unto ours, 
and yet in that country the only government possible is a gov- 
ernment of force, directed and exercised by one man. So it is 
from time to time in other South American republics. Theii 
constitutions amount to little more than declarations that are 
written in the sand. Why? Because the people in those coun- 
tries are not competent for self-government; a government by 
force is the only one possible and therefore the best government 
they can have until their capacity for self-government is im- 
proved. 

Now and then in this country we have people who are fearful 
of the ultimate result of popular government. I have no fear. 
From time to time there is fierce criticism in the press and in 
magazines and by individual citizens against Congress, against 
the courts and against the Executive ; but no great harm is done. 
In spite of all criticism- and all fear we have developed by leaps 
and bounds and our industries have become diversified until 
to-day we produce, in factory, in mine and on farm, one-third of 
the products of the civilized world. For this great production 
we utilize to a very large extent our home market, which is the 
best market on earth ; and as a mere incident, the little five per 
cent, of our production which is sent to foreign markets makes 
us the greatest exporting nation upon the earth. 

In the war of conflicting forces there are fear and prejudice 
upon the one hand and denunciation upon the other. Faint 
heart, calm thy beatings ! This Caucasian-American race is the 
most competent aggregation of people on earth for self-gov- 
ernment. If abuses creep in here and there they are to be recti- 
fied from the standpoint of a just and wise public sentiment; and 
if now and then the tide as it ebbs and flows reaches, figuratively 
speaking, as high as the tide in the Bay of Fundy, let us recollect 
that whatever goes up must come down and in the fullness of 
time we will have things normal. 

Away back in Biiblical days there was John the Baptist, who 
fed on locusts and wild honey, and whose mission it was to pre- 
pare a way for the Lord. He had his place and was necessary. 



54 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

The world was attracted to the new evangel, and he was. followed 
by the teachings and sacrifice of the Master. Then there came 
St. Paul, without whom perchance the teachings of the Master 
would have been in vain. So from that time tO' this there have 
been John the Baptists and St. Pauls, and they have been neces- 
sary and the human race has advanced in intelligence and 
patriotism. 

In our magnificent development and because of that develop- 
ment here and there abuses have crept in. Preferences have been 
given in certain lines to great combinations of capital. Perhaps 
it was necessary that they should have been given in order that 
the functions of the great corporations should be carried on at 
the time when such practices were inaugurated. Although the 
necessity, if any, passed away, the practices lingered with us in 
the shape of abuses until the intelligent sentiment of the country 
said, "We will regulate but not destroy." In the process of 
regulation, by legislation and by judicial decision, we have made 
progress until those who needed regulation have now joined 
the evangel and said, "There shall be one law — not for one man, 
but one law for all men under similar conditions in productive, 
in economic, in commercial life." 

At times we go to extremes ; but I say again I have no fear 
of extremes. The fear, if any exists, comes because of timid 
men here and there, temporarily entrusted with power and desir- 
ing to remain in power, who consent to improper action without 
protest rather than to stand up and perform their functions with 
patriotism crossed on courage. With Congressional elections 
every two years and a Presidential election every four years, a 
majority of the people will see to it that we have desirable re- 
sults as the years come and go. 

In this connection permit me to say that Pennsylvania and 
New Jersey can be proud of the representatives which they have 
sent to the Congress of the United States. I am' a colleague 
of Brother Loudenslager, who sits on my right. He is not a 
handsome man like myself (merriment) ; he makes no pretence 
to eloquence; but let me bear testimony that from the stand- 
point of practical results, industry and force, crossed on courage, 



Addresses, 1908. 55 

he stands in the very first rank of the Representatives in the 
National Congress. I can speak in highest eulogy of your Rep- 
resentatives from Philadelphia whom I see about me here. 
There is Brother McCreary, Brother Moon, Brother Moore, 
Brother Foulkrod and Brother Cook. In their service in Con- 
gress they have honored their country and they have honored 
themselves. It is said that a prophet is not without honor save 
in his own country. That, perchance, is good in Illinois and in 
many other States, but it ought not to be good in Pennsylvania 
so far as her Representatives in Congress are concerned. I rest 
my hand upon the shoulder of a man (Hon. Boies Penrose) who 
in part represents the great State of Pennsylvania in the co- 
ordinate branch of Congress, and who, from: the standpoint of 
good manhood and courage, stands among the first in that great 
legislative body. I do not know how long you may continue in 
office these gentlemen and others whom you have sent to Con- 
gress; that is for you to^ determine; I can only ask that in the 
future you send others equally as good as they are. 

And here let me congratulate Judge Taft and the country 
on the announcement that your junior Senator, Hon. Philander 
C. Knox, is to become the Premier in the next Cabinet. Penn- 
sylvania's loss is the Nation's gain in the transfer of Senator 
Knox to the head of the Cabinet, where his wisdom will insure 
a wise as well as a courageous foreign policy. 

Gentlemen, away with this old, old story of one man power, 
of Czarism. It is simply impossible. Away with the old, old 
story, reiterated now perhaps more vigorously than ever before, 
that the world grows worse. Benjamin Franklin, according to 
"Madison's Notes on the Constitution," made a protest in the 
Constitutional Convention against the veto power of the Execu- 
tive being absolute, and to reinforce his position stated that one 
of the early Governors in Pennsylvania prior to the Revolution 
never approved the legislative action of the Colonial Legislature 
until he had his price for doing so. Franklin said that when 
your brethren who had crossed the Alleghenies and gone into 
the dark and rugged land beyond to occupy the wilderness and 
do battle with the Indians, were being scalped, burned and tor- 



56 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

tured, and a proposition was pending in your Colonial Legisla- 
ture to send troops to rescue those who' were in peril, the ap- 
proval of the Colonial Governor could not be obtained until his 
property had been exempted from taxation. Such a thing, thank 
God, is impossible now; and it is well that Franklin succeeded 
in keeping out of the Constitution the absolute veto upon the 
part of the Executive. 

In the chapter of accidents I became Speaker of the National 
House of Representatives. The time came when a fractious 
minority undertook to control the majority. It was met wifa 
refusal not only upon the part of the Speaker but upon the part 
of the majority itself — the Speaker would be like a cat in hell 
without claws without a maj ority behind him — and for two long 
months during the last session of Congress a filibuster was con- 
tinued. A virile majority, however, under rules that enable a 
majority to manifest its will, as it ought tO' have the power to 
do, moved forward and wrote legislation upon the statute books 
as they ought to have done, because ours is a government by ma- 
jorities. In connection with this I may say that many metro- 
politan papers and so-called "up-lift" magazines (and one of 
these papers, I believe, you have the honor to have in your great 
city), claimed to have a grievance against the Speaker of the 
House because, while they declared *nim to be a czar, he did not 
exercise his czar-like power and remove from the statute books 
the fifteen per cent, ad valorem duty, or its equivalent, from 
print paper and wood pulp. They claimed that the price of 
print paper had increased fifty per cent. ; and although it is ap- 
parent that such increase cannot be explained by the fifteen per 
cent, duty, the Speaker was denounced, anathema maranatha, 
and their thunderings continued during the campaign. They 
were ashamed to avow the true reason, but they abounded all the 
same in denunciation of the "czar" whose powers were absolute, 
forgetting that a Speaker might be removed any hour of any 
day, and forgetting that he and the Committee on Rules could 
not have anything endorsed by the House without a majority 
behind them. Tliey enlisted with them the aid of Samuel Gom- 
pers, of the great Federation of Labor, who,, without regard to 



Addre:sse;s, 1908. 57 

the Constitution, demanded that his edicts should be written up- 
on the statute books. He demanded one law for himself and 
those he claimed to represent, and a different law for the re- 
mainder of our people. Thank God, there were upright men 
enough in Congress to constitute the majority, who said it was 
of but little consequence whether we died politically or physically 
or where we went hereafter, but that we would not by our ac- 
tion seek to subvert the functions of government by obeying his 
mandates. So they reached out, and by the falsehood of men 
who knew better, by the statements of the Andersons and the 
Rev. P. H. Bakers, D. D., at the head of the great anti-saloon 
movement, they said, "This czar had the power to write certain 
legislation upon the statute books and he would not ; and, having 
such power, he defeated it by refusing consideration to it." Al- 
though not required to prove a negative, it was proved by the 
statements of members of the House who had full knowledge 
touching the premises that the claims were utterly false. In 
spite of the proof, however, there was nO' let up in the denuncia- 
tion, fostered in the Democratic platform and aided and abetted 
by some of the selfish "uplift" magazines and self-constituted 
righteous papers. 

I only refer to it to show you that while so small and in- 
significant a man as myself happened to be Speaker, yet there was 
sufficient force and merit in the position that the majority of 
Congress took, backing up and keeping step with the Speaker, 
that when the great citizenship of the Republic spoke, the "uplift" 
magazines and the portion of the metropolitan press which had 
misrepresented things were found to be without following, and 
the Congress of the United States, with the approval of the ma- 
jority of the people, under rules and regulations that enable a 
majority to enforce its will, is doing business at the same old 
stand. (Long continued enthusiasm.) 

The: President, in calling upon Vice President-elect Sherman 
as the next speaker, explained that it was optional with that 
gentleman to decline to respond in view of the intimation pre- 
viously given him that *ne would not be called upon for a speech. 



58 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Hon. J. Hampton Moore : Mr. President, I gave my word 
to that effect and so did a number of others, but still — (A general 
outcry for "Sherman" prevented further explanation, and the 
company rose and welcomed the distinguished visitor with great 
cordiality.) 

Hon. James S. Sherman, Vice President-elect of the United 
States, began his brief response with a jocose reference to the 
Ananias Club. He remarked that "the silent man of Philadel-- 
phia," the Hon. J. Hampton Moore, had admitted his qualifica- 
tion for membership in it but at this time the eligible list of the 
Club was more full than the waiting list of the Union League 
Club, and the accessions to the former during the past week 
had probably filled the limit. Mr. Sherman continued : 

Mr. President, I came here to hear others and to meet the 
representatives of New Jersey in Philadelphia, gentlemen who 
came here for the good of Philadelphia, if not for the better- 
ment of New Jersey. Philadelphia is finding no fault with them, 
and, I am sure, is satisfied to keep them here. I have listened, 
as you have, with more than satisfaction to the orators of the 
evening; to the Speaker of the House of Representatives with 
his splendid Americanism and his strong manhood, who seems 
to be almost defying time as he stands here with the vigor of a 
youth of thirty and the wisdom of a man of three hundred. I 
heard attentively your own Senator Penrose, who has been scat- 
tering his jewels of oratory for our enjoyment and I listened 
with pleasure to the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Lee, who 
has told us of the excellence of that State that is supposed to 
have been the last of the universe to be created and to have 
been formed out of the sand that was left over after the work 
of creation had been completed, although we now look upon 
Jersey as one of the greatest of the States. I have also been 
delighted with the good old Quaker who presides to-night as 
Chairman and who would not qualify for the Ananias Club 
though New Jersey overruled him and made him call on me for 
a speech. That call reminds me of the dying woman's request 
that her husband should ride, at her funeral, in the same hack 
with his mother-in-law. His reply was, "I'll do it, but God 



Addresses, 1908. 59 

knows it will deprive me of all the pleasure of the day." 
(Merriment.) 

I am delighted to meet, as private citizens, the splendid repre- 
sentatives of American citizenship who are assembled here. They 
believe with me in the commercial advance of the nation. I 
take no stock in the talk of those carping critics who rail against 
what they choose to call "commercialism" and who yearn for 
military glory. I take no stock in the idea that the greatness 
of our country must be measured by the calibre of our guns; 
that our history should be written in blood and that we must 
dance along to martial music. This is a fallacy. I think that 
our steps along the pathway of progress are to be timed by the 
humming of the moving machinery in our factories. That is 
the kind of music that is most grateful to the ears of the average 
sensible American. Ours is a commercial country; it stands in 
the front rank of mercantile endeavor; and we glory in it. We 
have had "scraps" of course from time to time, and we have 
not come out second best, nor will we come out second best in 
the great contest for the world's markets. We have obtained 
our full share of those markets and we will continue to secure 
our full share of them by giving due attention to commercialism. 
The battleship flying the flag of our country is indeed an inspir- 
ing spectacle, but so too is a merchant vessel carrying the pro- 
ducts of American ingenuity and thrift to foreign countries, to 
be laden on its return with the exchanges or their equivalent in 
the yellow metal that enriches our people. I am sorry that those 
vessels are not more distinctly American. I long to see the 
time — and every young man in this room may hope to see it and 
I believe will see it — when the two great oceans are joined to- 
gether and both are dotted with craft freighted with our mer- 
chandise for foreign shores or carrying back to us from those 
shores either products we cannot produce here or our pay in the 
yellow metal which is good the world over. 

Reference has been made here to the rules of the National 
House of Representatives, and I may say that I know something 
about those rules. I know that the sole and only object of them 
is to make it possible for the representatives of the people to 



6o New Jersey Society of Pennsyevania. 

carry out the will of their constituents in the most expeditious 
manner possible. That is all that the rules are for. It is true, 
as Speaker Cannon has said, that no Speaker of the House of 
Representatives ever rules the body in the sense of exercising 
arbitrary power. It is equally imtrue that, in this sense, the 
Presiding Officer in any legislature of a State rules the body 
over which he presides. That which does rule is the will of a 
majority of the chosen representatives of the people as expressed 
through the rules; and that majority rules in this day and always 
has ruled in this country. 

Mr. Sherman reiterated his pleasure in being present and 
closed his remarks with an anecdote of a gentleman who, while 
descending a long flight of steps in front of a public building, 
lost his balance and was sliding down the steps when he over- 
took a lady going down who fell in his lap and they both slid 
down together. Upon reaching the bottom the lady made no 
effort to rise from his prostrate form, and he finally said to her, 
"I beg your pardon, Madame, but this is as far as I go." 
(Merriment and applause.) 

The President : Gentlemen, we have quite a number of 
guests here to-night who, I know, would like to address you, 
but I have been admonished to bring the exercises to a close 
because of the lateness of the hour. I desire, however, to call 
upon one of our Representatives from Philadelphia, one who, 
when he got into Congress, was not like Speaker Cannon's cat. 
He may have felt warm there, but I assure you he had "claws," 
because he was scarcely seated in the House before he commenced 
to scratch ; and he has done some effective work. He will make 
his address very short. I take pleasure in calling upon Congress- 
man Moore. 

Hon. J. Hampton MoorE^ M. C. from Philadelphia, was 
received with enthusiasm. He said : 

Mr. President, this call is extremely complimentary to me, 
but, having learned to be particular in the matter of priority, I 
regard it as manifestly unfair to my seniors in Congress from 
this city — to McCreary, the leader of our delegation in the ab- 



Addre;sse;s, 1908. 61 

sence of General Bingham ; to Brother Moon, the great chairman 
of that important committee which is codifying the laws of the 
United States ; and also to Foulkrod and Cook, our "baby" mem- 
bers. But being a native Jerseyman as well as a Congressman 
from Pennsylvania, I may with some propriety say just a word. 

My brother Lee, the Historian of the State of New Jersey — 
the modern historian, as distinguished from the many others — 
has favored us with a recital of the things in our material, scien- 
tific and commercial progress, in which New Jersey was first; 
but he has not spoken of her products in statesmanship and has 
failed to tell us that she was first in the production of a Louden- 
slager, the distinguished Representative from New Jersey, to 
whom Speaker Cannon has paid a well deserved tribute — a 
tribute which every Pennsylvania Congressman, and, indeed, the 
Congressman from all the States can second. 

This Society is to be congratulated upon the attendance at its 
second annual dinner of two such notable guests as the incoming 
Vice President of the United States and the Speaker of the Na- 
tional House of Representatives. It is rare that two such high 
officials of the Government are present upon an occasion like this. 
You are more than ordinarily honored to-night by the presence 
of other able men, experienced in legislation and identified with 
the spirit, the dignity and the progress of the Nation. Words 
of wisdom have been spoken here, particularly by the Speaker 
of the National House in his reference to the pretexts upon which 
criticism of "one-man power" in our Government have been 
based. Let me say that in the State of New Jersey there has 
never been any apprehension of danger from any such arbitrary 
power, because the independent spirit natural to a native bom 
Jerseyman is a guarantee of his rights and liberties as a citizen. 
No son of that State could tolerate the thought of a master, or 
a boss, tinder the Constitution and laws of the United States. 
Upon the sand dunes of Jersey, to which the incoming Vice Presi- 
dent has referred, the American citizen is sovereign, and though 
his acres may at times be scant of crops and sometimes sterile, he 
looks out over them as proud as a king, "the monarch of all he 
surveys." Point me to a State in this Union where a man asserts 



62 New Jersey Society oe PEnnsyevania. 

his individuality with more independence than does a Jerseyman 
upon his own potato-hill, and I will yield to that State the palm 
for manliness, self dependence and love of liberty. (Applause.) 
But my time is limited and I must quit. A smudgy faced 
Jersey boy, in a school with which our friend Lee is familiar, 
was endeavoring to pen an historical sketch of the times of King 
James the Second, and in the course of his task wrote in his 
crude way, "King James was a cruel king, and the people did 
complain against King James but at last, when he gave birth to 
twins, they rose in their might and said, 'This thing must stop.' " 
(Merriment and applause.) So it is with me. But it still re- 
mains, Mr. Chairman, to congratulate you and your energetic 
entertainment committee upon the signal success that has 
crowned your efforts upon this occasion. Under your direction 
the Second Annual Dinner of this Society has attained the 
memorable stage. (Applause.) 

The President : Gentlemen, I extend in your name, on be- 
half of the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, the thanks of 
the Society to the guests who have honored us with their presence 
to-night. I also thank you, gentlemen, for the hearty co-opera- 
tion you have given me during my year of service. To-night, 
in retiring from the presidency, I leave the association practically 
full to its limit with a waiting list in the New Jersey branch and 
one vacancy, I think but am not sure, in the Pennsylvania branch. 
With this statement I vacate my ofhce to my successor, a gentle- 
man who, I am sure, will do honor to your organization and to 
his office. (Applause.) 

The PrESident-eeEct, Mr. Richard Campion, upon as- 
suming the chair, called attention to the lateness of the hour and 
remarked that fortunately but one duty devolving upon him re- 
mained to be performed, which was to bring the exercises to a 
close so as to accommodate the distinguished guests from Wash- 
ington in reaching their trains. He made announcement ac- 
cordingly. 

"Good-night" followed, and the entertainment closed with 
"Auld Lang Syne." 



ADDRESSES 

The Third Annual Banquet of the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania was held at the Union League Club, Philadelphia, 
on the evening of Saturday, December i8th, 1909. The bril- 
liantly lighted dining hall was resplendent with decorations, and 
the tables bloomed with flowers and greenery like gardens in min- 
iature. 

Among- the distinguished guests were many Senators and 
Representatives in Congress, the United States Senators from 
New Jersey, the Governor of Pennsylvania, the Mayor of Phila- 
delphia; with a number of representative men from professional 
and business circles. 

The festivities were enlivened with sings by members of the 
Orpheus Club of Philadelphia, who led the company in a number 
of popular airs and, in the intervals between the speeches, sang 
the following set numbers (showing no national prejudice from 
a musical standpoint), "Mein Herr Van Dunck," "Annie Laurie," 
and "Dixie's Land." Other greetings to the speakers, upon 
rising, were "For He's a Jolly Good Fellow" and "Fill Him Up a 
Full Glass." The singers were Messrs. Shannon, Slater, Haupt, 
Brooks, Drayton, Gerenbeck, Griffith and Jackson. 

Interesting and instructive speeches were made upon the new 
tariff law by legislators engaged in its enactment ; the world wide 
cruise of the American battle fleet by the Admiral commanding ; 
incidents in New Jersey history and kindred topics. 

The President of the Society, Mr, Richard Campion, of- 
ficiated as Toastmaster. 

Tut Pri^sidKnt, in an introductory to the speechmaking, 
briefly addressed the Society. He said : At this, our third annual 
dinner, we congratulate ourselves upon the distinguished guests 
we have with us and welcome them most hospitably tO' our board. 
Our genial Mayor, who is almost a Jerseyman after his many 



64 Ne;v/ Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

summers spent at our coast cities, will, I trust, give them a more 
specific welcome. 

Hon. John E. Reyburn, Mayor of Philadelphia, who was 
heartily applauded, responded: 

The Toastmaster has said that I am partly a Jerseyman, 
and I can with equal propriety retort that the men of that 
State whom I see around me here are partly Philadelphians 
and, considering- the great number of Jerseymen who are to 
be found in our midst, they are in a large measure respon- 
sible for the City of Philadelphia. About one fact, however, there 
can be nO' doubt, and that is that Philadelphia and its near neigh- 
bor, New Jersey, have always stood together in every great event 
that meant for the greatness, the glory and the development of 
our common country. They have never separated from the time 
of the Revolutionary War to the present day ; and since New Jer- 
sey and Pennsylvania joined hands across the river they have 
known no State lines or boundaries in their mutual intercourse. 
The people of New Jersey were patriots in the one great cause; 
they have ever been true and loyal to the Government; and I 
believe their fidelity and patriotism will continue as times goes on. 
These two States have nO' rivalries other than in deeds of friend- 
ship, in generous recognition of each other's interests and in 
efforts to help each other. 

I want the members of this Society and their guests to under- 
stand that Philadelphia, now as ever, welcomes them heartily. I 
hope they will enjoy themselves this evening and that this reunion 
will be the harbinger of many equally pleasant gatherings in years 
to come. 

The President^ in his next introduction, said : The Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, beside being one of the most lovable of 
men, is one who does things and does them well. He doesn't talk 
much but I am quite sure that on this occasion he is willing to 
tell these Jerseymen how glad he is that their ancestors and them- 
selves came to Pennsylvania and contributed largely to the 
making of this great State. 



Addresses, 1909. 65 

Governor Stuart was hailed by the diners with delight. 
Addressing them as ''The New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania" 
or "The Pennsylvania Society of New Jersey," — he said he had 
forgotten which — he continued with characteristic humor and 
brevity : 

Your President, who is a very warm, dear friend of mine, 
has an idea that one of the principal duties of the Governor of 
Pennsylvania is to come down from Harrisburg and attend the 
dinners of this Society. I have already had the honor and pleas- 
ure of attending two of the three dinners you have given. He 
has said that I don't talk much, and it will be my effort to-night 
to verify his statement. 

On my way *nere some exhibitions of rapid locomotion on the 
streets reminded me of a story (it may be a "chestnut" when told 
to Jerseymen) about one Casey, who came to Philadelphia and, 
becoming prosperous, grew rich. Like so many men when they 
become wealthy, he bought an automobile. Then he asked his 
next door neighbor, Fitzpatrick, to take a ride with him. "No," 
said Fitz, "I don't like those things, they're dangerous." Casey 
assured him that they needn't go fast, but would just move along 
at an easy rate. Finally they started out and gradually the speed 
of the vehicle increased until it was flying along at seventy-five 
miles an hour. Fitzpatrick shouted "I'd give a thousand dollars 
to be out of this." "Tut," said Casey, "save your money, you'll 
be out of it in a minute." (Merriment.) 

That reminds me of the saying of a New Jersey friend of 
mine who, when I asked him if he had been living in Jersey all 
his life, replied, "No, not yet." (General merriment.) 

But I am very glad to be here to-night to welcome to this 
hospitable board, in the name of the State of Pennsylvania, the 
distinguished guests of your Society. As you all know, Pennsyl- 
vania was founded by William Penn in a spirit of peace, frater- 
nity and generous co-operation. In early times the Swedes, the 
Irish and people of all nationalities came here to enjoy the bless- 
ings of good government. Our neighbors of New Jersey, with 
whom our relations have always been social and intimate, came 
here not because they thought less of their own State and its insti- 



66 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

tutions, but because they saw greater opportunities in Pennsyl- 
vania and in this great city of brotherly love ; and they have help- 
ed materially in building up this municipality and enriching both 
city and State by their talents and industry. Native Jerseymen 
are to be found everywhere among the best citizens of Pennsyl- 
vania ; they pay a goodly proportion of the taxes ; and to them is 
due a share of the credit for a condition in the finances of this 
State which perhaps no other State has for a long time been able 
to show, and that is that to-night Pennsylvania is absolutely out 
of debt. It is also a fact that of all the money collected by Penn- 
sylvania in the way of revenue, representing about fifty to sixty 
millions of dollars every two years, there is not a penny of tax 
upon farm or city property or upon real estate of any kind ; but 
tiie money for running the State Government, and from which 
the State supports its charities, educational and other institutions, 
comes largely from the taxes upon great corporations. 

I again welcome you, gentlemen; and, although the Toast- 
master has given me the reputation of not talking much, I think 
fnat if I undertook to say all the good things I would like to say 
and know ought to be said about historic Jersey, I might occupy 
your time from now until to-morrow morning; but I want to sit 
down and listen to what some of the distinguished guests have to 
tell us of the great little State. 



The President: My good friend, Judge Gaskill, reminds 
me, and I desire to communicate the information to Governor 
Stuart, that New Jersey, like Pennsylvania, is out of debt and, 
more than that, was out of debt before Pennsylvania reached that 
happy condition. (Applause.) 

But it becomes us not to vaunt ourselves while "the stranger 
is within our gates," and t*herefore we omit the odes and orations 
on New Jersey with which we are wont to regale ourselves at 
other times. It would not do to let New Jersey go entirely un- 
sung, and I now introduce to you a distinguished son of that 
State, who represents her with great dignity and ability in the 
United States Senate — the Hon. John Kean. 




SYCAMORE TREE, BURLINGTON, N. J., OVER 300 YEARS OLD. 
To which tradition says pioneer vessels were moored. 



Addresses, 1909. 67 

Senator's Kean's response was interspersed with many dem- 
onstrations of friendly regard and hearty appreciation. He said : 

Mr, President and gentlemen of the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania — I thank you most sincerely for your kindly greet- 
ing. This day is the anniversary of the ratification of the Consti- 
tution of the United States by the State of New Jersey. To my 
mind the most critical period in American history was the interval 
from 1783 to 1789, following the close of the War for Independ- 
ence and prior to the establishment of the General Government. 
During those years the thirteen original States were thirteen in- 
dependent sovereignties. How they were to be brought together 
was the problem before our fathers. The idea of nationality had 
not been developed, and they had not been brought forward to 
reach that close union and association which was a result of the 
conflict from 1861 to '65. When that crisis had passed it was 
realized that the States had an incentive to mutual co-operation 
in many ways, particularly in the building of railroads to join to- 
gether the territory of a great nation bounded by two oceans. 
But this was not the condition at the time of the framing of the 
Constitution. 

In the convention which framed that instrument Pennsylva- 
nia had the oldest representative, Benjamin Franklin, who was 
then eighty-one years of age ; and New Jersey was represented by 
one of the youngest, if not the youngest member, Jonathan Dray- 
ton, then a youth of twenty-six years, afterwards Speaker of the 
National House of Representatives and a United States Senator 
from New Jersey. The representation of New Jersey in the Con- 
vention included her two distinguished sons, William Livingston 
and William Patterson — names known all over the country to-day 
and never to be forgotten. After many ineffectual efforts tO; agree 
upon a form of government, the turmoil and contention being 
such that at one time George Washington rose to leave the con- 
vention, the Constitution was finally signed; and Benjamin 
Franklin voiced the general sentiment when he said that, during 
six weeks of anxious deliberation, he had wondered whether the 
sun that saw the fruition of their labors would be a rising or a 
setting sun, and he now believed it would be a rising sun. The 



68 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Constitution was ratified by Pennsylvania by a two-thirds vote 
and by New Jersey by a unanimous vote ; and as New Jersey took 
the lead in its ratification at that time, she is to-day, I think, fore- 
most in her desire tO' maintain that Constitution as it is. 

I know it is the fashion among some of the people of the 
States to consider the Constitution of the United States an anti- 
quated document and that radical changes of it are necessary ; but 
I think that what we in New Jersey want and what you in Penn- 
sylvania want is not changes based upon novel or impractical 
notions, but a faithful administration of the Constitution. I am 
not opposed to changes that are wise and salutary nor am I op- 
posed to refonn in any direction in which experience has shown 
it to be necessary, but my observations of the way in which that 
word "reform" has been applied lead me to say that I am not very 
partial to its use. It is a convenient term at times, but is too often 
misused. When some people who want the United States to do 
so-and-so find themselves up against little stumbling blocks in the 
Constitution, which hinder the attainment of their objects, they 
cry out for reform and for changes. In some instances, I think, 
the demands made upon the Government for expenditures of the 
public money have their origin in the way expenditures begin 
at home. We find that little undertakings of a public character 
are expensive; and when these grow in volume we transfer the 
burden to the community and impose it upon the county; then 
when we feel the consequences in increased taxation the expense 
is imposed upon the State ; and finally the effort is made to trans- 
fer the burden from the State to the Nation. We of New Jersey 
agree with you of Pennsylvania that the taxes that should be 
levied by the State ought to be for the benefit of the citizens of the 
State. Let the States continue to do their part while the Govern- 
ment does its part within legitimate limits and our country will 
continue to be, as it has been for one hundred and twenty-five 
years, happy and prosperous. (Applause.) 

The President : We Jerseymen love our native State. 
From the hills of Bergen to the sands of Cape May we love her. 
We are also Pennsylvanians and we love and honor this great 



Addresses, 1909. 69 

Commonwealth in which we have chosen to Hve ; and above and 
beyond all we are Americans, yielding supreme love and loyalty 
to the United States. We are particularly fortunate in having 
with us a distinguished representative of the United States, one 
who has carried the American flag to every sea and sailed the 
great battleships of this country around the world. I esteem it 
a great honor to introduce Rear Admiral C. S. Sperry of the 
United States Navy. 

AdmiraIv Sperry was received with cheers, and his thought- 
ful and interesting response was heard with marked attention and 
appreciation. He said : 

Mr. President and gentlemen of the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania. Next to the honor of being received by your So- 
ciety I know no greater honor than that of being received as a 
representative of the Navy of the United States. It is to me a 
source of great pride ; and that your guests have been hospitably 
received, as your President has said, I can testify with a full 
heart. 

With the extension of representative government throughout 
the world, even to Turkey, the armed forces of a nation are recog- 
nized as the creation of the people. They cannot exist without 
popular consent, and therefore it is essential to us of the Navy 
that our fellow citizens should have an intelligent comprehension 
of this branch of the Government service. There is no mystery 
about the navy which any layman need regard as insoluble ; and if 
its usefulness is not appreciated nor its value comprehended, then 
the navy will suffer. It is not only essential that the people of 
our country should understand the necessity for a navy, but it is 
also necessary, since the popular will rules in peace and war the 
world over, that the people of other countries should recognize 
the strength and capabilities of the naval armament of a nation 
with which they may come in conflict or contact. 

A navy without a fleet is a mob of football kickers without a 
team. Until recently we have had nO' fleet as such ; we have had 
a mob of ships of all kinds and descriptions. After the close of 
the great wars of the Napoleonic period, the battle fleets disap- 



70 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

peared from the ocean, the old hners of seventy- four and one hun- 
dred and ten guns vanished, and over the face of the seas M^ere 
distributed frigates, brigs and schooners as a police force to sup- 
press piracy, to represent the home country abroad and, when nec- 
essary, to demand immediate reparation v^here communication 
with the home government was impossible. That strange system 
— no military fleet but a horde of small police vessels over the 
seas — existed until 1904, long after piracy had been abandoned 
except in certain limited areas, and after communication had be- 
come almost instantaneous the world over. In 1903 the General 
Board of our Navy pressed upon the Navy Department the policy 
of a concentration of expenditure upon military vessels and the 
assembling of those military vessels into a fleet for service as the 
executive arm of the Navy Department. While that policy was 
under consideration the British Admiralty not only sold by the 
hundred their unmilitary vessels, but took their invaluable person- 
nel, which can neither be created in a day nor purchased with 
gold, and concentrated it in battleships which they organized into 
three great fleets — one based on the Channel, another on Gib- 
raltar and another on Malta — any two of which could be united 
in three days and all three in a week, and these absolutely con- 
trolled the whole of the Mediterranean and the routes to- the 
East. By concentrating their expenditure on military vessels 
they saved money and became stronger than they ever had been 
in the history of the world. At the same time our policy, the 
adoption of which had already been urged upon the Navy De- 
partment in the previous year, was made tO' conform incidentally 
to that of the British, but really to that of common sense. The 
building of unmilitary vessels, which could neither fight nor 
run, was stopped and the great battleships were combined in a 
fleet, as an organiation, and for the purpose of making manifest 
and available the sea power of the United States. 

Such was the origin of the concentration of sixteen battle- 
ships in our Atlantic Fleet and their cruise around the world. 
That cruise regenerated the Navy, and the effect of it has been 
more farreaching than any of us, even the officers of the Navy, 
anticipated, although we had urged that policy upon the Depart- 



Addresses, 1909. 71 

ment. I speak advisedly, having been a member of the General 
Board of the Navy, which is the only general staff that we have 
been permitted to have. 

With regard to the cruise of the Atlantic Fleet, it was neces- 
sary to the proper handling of the fleet that the officers and men 
should have the sea habit ; that they should consider the fleet their 
home ; that neither officers nor men should be chiefly concerned as 
to how soon or how long they could get away to live with their 
families, but that they should settle down into the sea routine, 
making little coteries of friends as they do on a man-of-war, 
amusing themselves in the intervals of work and living happily 
and contentedly. That is the first step toward an efficient fleet, 
that it be made a home. 

The fleet was manned by about thirteen thousand active- 
minded young Americans, all common school educated, bright and 
quick witted ; but they had never been at sea before, and when we 
crossed the line there were more than ten thousand of those young 
men who, with more or less grotesque formalities, were shaved 
and bathed by Neptune and his attendant barber. And in eff'ect 
this was no idle ceremony; they immediately became veterans of 
the sea, wedded to it, and were proud of the distinction. Each 
ship has her peculiarities, and the officers quickly become accus- 
tomed to them ; so that in the necessary manoeuvres for battle they 
were able to handle their ships as instinctively as a boy throws a 
stone, not being conscious whether they put the helm one way or 
the other, but bringing the ship into proper position. Unless their 
training is such that they can so handle their ships, they cannot 
attend properly to the gun-fire. 

It is a fact not generally understood that the sixteen battle- 
ships made forty-three thousand miles with a distance between 
ship and ship of only two hundred and fifty yards of clear water, 
and the least inattention, momentary absence of mind or wool 
gathering meant that a battleship with eight hundred men might 
be afoul of another, and the most trivial touch might send one or 
both to the bottom. Such was the battle training of the officers 
and men; and it was a war game, from first to last, all around 
the world. Many a night, as I stood on deck and looked astern, 



^2 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

it was an amusement rather than anxious care to note that the 
lights of the sixteen ships did not vary relatively to each other 
any more than do so many lamp posts on Broadway. Such train- 
ing means that in the day of battle, when the column of ships 
must be maintained unbroken so that the enemy can find no open- 
ing through which to surge and cut off some of the ships, the 
captains will instinctively keep position with no care except for 
their gunfire. 

For battle practice a target about one-third the size of the 
broadside of a battleship is used, and commencing at a range of 
about five statute miles a battleship fires her heavy guns for a 
given number of minutes, while running toward the target at 
fifteen or sixteen knots, and then only the actual shot holes in the 
target are counted as hits. The Atlantic Fleet, in 1907, made a 
certain score at that practice, and in 1908, at Manila Bay, that 
score was actually doubled. It may be justly said that that result 
was due to their freedom from the curse of being tied up at the 
navy yards. Throughout the forty-five years of my service the 
fleet has been considered an appendage of the navy yards, but now 
the Secretary of the Navy considers that the navy yards are an 
appendage of the fleet, and long may they so continue. 

Passing from the details of active military practice to the 
economic side of the question, the attention given to the competi- 
tion in the matter of coal consumption resulted in reducing the 
actual consumption, after we left San Francisco, twenty per cent, 
below the consumption on the way from Hampton Roads to San 
Francisco. That means not only a saving of money to the Gov- 
ernment, but an increase of the efficiency of the fleet. It means 
that in time of war the fleet can keep at sea twenty per cent, longer 
with the coal in its bunkers, which may mean success rather than 
failure. 

Another discovery was that of two sister ships steaming side 
by side, on the same day, one developed fifteen hundred horse 
power more than the other when being driven at the same speed. 
There was evidently something radically wrong, and it was sus- 
pected that the excess power was due to a propeller that was de- 
fective in design. When the fleet returned home the propellers 



Addressks, 1909. 73 

were changed, and the immediate result was that that ship made 
her speed upon less horse power than the other. It was also found 
that another ship burned more coal than her sister ship, and it 
was suspected that the dynamo engines, the pumps and other 
auxiliaries were wasteful. Investigation showed that to be so, 
and suitable remedies are being applied. Other defects are being 
corrected and the auxiliary machinery of the ships, when found 
to be inefficient and wasteful, is being replaced. All wastefulness 
is unmilitary, and the spending of a dollar unnecessarily is objec- 
tionable. The Atlantic and Pacific Fleets are being brought to 
a state of the highest efficiency as a result of the experience gained, 
and the Government has gotten back to-day, in long enduring im- 
provements, every dollar that it expended for coal for the cruise. 
The morale of the officers and men has vastly improved, and for 
the first time they have realized the full significance of the work 
of the fleet at sea. 

I remarked in the beginning that a fleet is the creation of the 
people and that the people of other nations should understand the 
strength of a possible opponent. There has been no revival of 
the talk of war with any Asiatic power since the cruise of the 
fleet, and this not because of any terrorizing, but because of the 
recognition of the kindly good will of a power so strong that it 
cannot be suspected of weakness. The good will of the weak 
may be interpreted differently. (Long continued applause.) 

The President : Gentlemen — The Far West is rich in 
strong men, whether natives of the region or drafted from the 
East, and none stronger nor nobler than the man whose name I 
shall now mention. A Senator and a member of the Finance 
Committee, he did yeoman service in the last session of Congress 
in the maintaining and conserving of all the best interests of his 
section and of our section and of the whole country — the Hon. 
Reed Smoot, United States Senator from Utah. 

Senator Smoot was heartily welcomed, attentively heard 
and repeatedly applauded. He responded : 

Mr. Toastmaster and gentlemen of the New Jersey Society 
of Pennsylvania — I wish to thank you sincerely for the delightful 



74 New Jersey Society of Pennsyevania. 

evening I have spent, and I am very glad indeed that conditions 
permitted my acceptance of your kind invitation; in fact, Mr. 
Toastmaster, I am already prepared to accept in advance an invi- 
tation for your banquet next year. 

I am not a pessimist, I am not an insurgent, I am not a 
spotted Republican, but I am an optimist, a straight Republican, 
a protectionist and, above all, an American. 

I feel entirely at home in Philadelphia; I like the city, A 
quarter of a century ago, young as I was, I used to do consider- 
able business in this great city with the Coates Brothers, Uncle 
Jimmy Shaw and the Smith's Machinery Manufacturing Com- 
pany, and permit me to add I am not altogether a stranger to 
the Union League Club, for I have been here on many occasions 
with that genial gentleman and good, whole-souled Quaker, Mr. 
Isaac Lloyd. Often have I paused to think of my first visit to 
Philadelphia, when I was undecided as to whether I was a Re- 
publican, a Democrat or a Mugwump. It was here perhaps that 
I learned my first lesson in political economy from a practical 
standpoint. Upon returning home from my travels through 
Europe and to her manufacturing centers it has been my custom 
tO' visit many of our American manufacturing enterprises, es- 
pecially in and around Philadelphia, and invariably a comparison 
of conditions abroad and at home has caused me to feel in my 
soul that it is good to be an American. The manufacturing in- 
terests of your city exceed probably those of any other single city 
in all the world ; and every American, no matter where he lives, 
ought to feel a pride in the pre-eminence in manufactures of this 
greatest city of the leading State in the galaxy of States which 
constitute the greatest nation on earth. 

I have said that I am a Protectionist. It was gratifying to 
me, during: the recent revision of the tariff, to learn that the States 
of Pennsylvania and New Jersey were deeply interested in every 
paragraph and every schedule of the tariff bill, from the smallest 
items to the largest. By the way, I want to say that if New Jer- 
sey appreciates what is best for her, she will keep in the Senate 
of the United States the very men she has there at the present 
time. I speak from positive knowledge and personal observation 



Addri;sse;s, 1909. 75 

when I say there was not a moment, when any important interest 
of New Jersey was threatened by unjust demands for a reduction 
of duties, that her two Senators were not immediately upon the 
ground giving reasons why there should not be a change or, when 
necessary, why the rates should even be advanced. As for Penn- 
sylvania I want tO' say, having served on the Finance Committee 
of the Senate, that no sounder protectionist ever lived than Sena- 
tor Penrose. (Applause.) 

As a whole, I regard the Payne-Aldrich bill a splendid 
measure. Of course almost any of us would suggest some little 
changes, but let it be remembered that, as a rule, legislation is the 
product of compromises. I repeat that for this country of ours 
the measure as passed, signed by the President and now a law, 
is the best tariff act that was ever enacted by a Congress of the 
United States ; and time will demonstrate the truth of my asser- 
tion. While portions of the public press are to-day condemning 
in no uncertain tones particular schedules of the Tariff Act, I 
feel convinced that when the time comes for the people of the 
country to be heard they will speak at the ballot box in tones so 
loud that the world will understand that protection, in its broadest 
sense, is a principle which the American people are going to 
champion and maintain. I could go into details and perhaps make 
clear to you why many of the newspapers are so bitterly opposed 
to the act, but let it suffice for me to say on my own behalf that 
if every newspaper in my State had demanded of me to vote for 
free print paper or they would have opposed the bill, I would 
not have done so. I believe in protection for every legitimate 
industry in this country, wherever located, large or small, and 
as long as I am a member of the Senate Committee on Finance 
and a Senator of the United States my vote will be given and 
my voice raised in its behalf. I would rather have my vote go 
for a rate a trifle too high than for one a trifle too low. 

While in England last year I was deeply impressed with the 
change of sentiment on this question. In company with Senator 
Burton I visited a number of the public parks in London, and 
there at almost every turn we heard men preaching the gospel of 
protection. Upon one occasion I remember a speaker emphasized 



y6 New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

the fact that it was not American competition that England feared 
but rather Germany, which was taking their market, and that pro- 
tection was their only salvation. But, my friends, that was only 
a partial statement of actual conditions, and free trade England 
will discover shortly that there is a power away off in the Orient 
with which the world will have to reckon and take into account 
in the very near future. 

While our protective rates in some cases may appear rather 
excessive, I want to say to the good people of America that in 
many instances those rates will not be high enough if the great 
empire of Japan continues to increase its manufactures of goods 
in the next few years as it has done in the last ten years. If I were 
a young man and to-day engaged in manufacturing, and if I be- 
lieved, as some Americans profess to- believe, that popular senti- 
ment in this country is inimical to our tariff policy and in the near 
future will manifest itself by securing a marked reduction in the 
tariff, I would not stop in America and spend my energy and time 
in trying to establish an industry but I would go to Japan, where 
labor is cheap, and build up such an industry there. I say I would 
do that, if I had no other object than to make m.oney, rather than 
incur the risk of having my industry ruined by hostile legislation. 
There may be no substantial grounds to apprehend that the people 
of this country will be deluded into a free trade policy, but I warn 
you business men to-night that what is wanted more than any- 
thing else in respect to this question of protection is publicity 
and a campaign of education. Many of you are protectionists of 
the old school and know what protection has done for America, 
but many of the young men of to-day, who have succeeded to a 
business established and built up through this great principle of 
protection, are not quite as interested in the maintenance of that 
principle as were their fathers in former days. It is for you all 
to have this country know and appreciate the fact that it was 
through this protection that Philadelphia and all the other great 
manufacturing centers were made hives of industry and powers 
for good for the employment of American labor. 

Many serious questions confront us for solution. Some peo- 
ple think that we are most extravagant and that the watchword 



Addresses, 1909. yj 

should be economy, I believe in economy, but not in false econ- 
omy. I was proud to hear Admiral Sperry to-night in relation to 
our Navy. I come from a State that can never expect to have a 
battleship within hundreds of miles of her borders, where the peo- 
ple live protected by the mighty Rocky Mountains, but if I were 
disposed to be extravagant with Government money it would be 
to build the best navy in the world. I want my country to be in a 
position where she will not have to accept an insult from any 
power on earth. How often in traveling up and down the rivers 
of Europe I have longed to see Old Glory. I trust the day is not 
far distant when we shall have a ship subsidy law that will place 
our ships in every harbor of the world and under which the com- 
merce of America, at least, will be carried in American bottoms. 

The tariff, however, is the prominent issue. A statement was 
recently made in my hearing that we could now feel secure inas- 
much as the battle had been won. But the battle has just begun. 
We have, so to speak, a new generation to educate upon this great 
principle of protection. The next Presidential election will be 
won or lost upon that issue, and as far as I am concerned as a 
Republican I welcome the contest. 

Something has recently happened at the Port of New York 
which is of interest to every American manufacturer. I have re- 
ceived many letters complaining of the administration of the pro- 
visions of the Tariff Act. Upon inquiry I have invariably found 
that the reason for the complaint was due to the fact that valua- 
tions had been increased and were based more upon the actual 
value of the goods abroad than has been the case in the past. To- 
day the American manufacturer has more protection at the same 
rates than he ever had before. I for one approve of the change 
and with all the power at my command will insist that duties be 
collected on the full value of imported goods, and I shall never be 
satisfied until no American manufacturer can complain of under- 
valuation at our ports of entry. 

I may have been overstepping the bounds of propriety in 
discussing, at this most pleasant social gathering, the question 
of protection, but it seems to me that if that question were entitled 
to precedence anywhere it would be in Pennsylvania, especially 



78 Ni;w Je;rsey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

in Philadelphia, and I believe it is also regarded by Jerseymen as 
a question of privilege. In fact, during the recent discussion in 
Congress the principle of protection found recognition and sup- 
port where least expected. When an interest of the South was af- 
fected by the bill the strongest protectionists were from that sec- 
tion in which the industry was located. I remember that one 
morning a large delegation came into my office, headed by some 
eight or nine Southern Senators who vouched for the visitors as 
leading citizens and representative men of their communities, and 
expressed the hope that I would listen to what they had to say. I 
heard them with much gratification indeed, for they asked protec- 
tion to a Southern industry, and I was glad to assure them of my 
support and co-operation. I regret to say, however, that later, 
when the rates agreed upon were attacked upon the floor of the 
Senate by Southern Senators whose States were not particularly 
interested in the industry, and at a time when four or five of the 
Senators who had requested a special audience for the promoters 
of the industry were in their seats, only one of the latter uttered a 
word in defense or advocacy of that industry — not because they 
would not vote for protection, but because they were not fully 
convinced that that particular item needed it. But, my friends, I 
am not ashamed of my own humble efforts in behalf of a principle 
that is so indispensable to American prosperity. 

Last evening I went to the theatre and saw Maude Adams' 
impersonation of a dear little Scotch lassie in the play "What 
Every Woman Knows." The actress was bewailing the fact that 
she had no personal charm to commend her, and, being asked by 
her brother to define the meaning of that word "charm," Maude 
explained that it was hard to give a definition but that it was 
something which, if possessed by a woman, it mattered little what 
else she lacked, but that if a woman did not have it, well, it was 
of little consequence what her other accomplishments were. So it 
is with the principle of protection as it affects the prosperity of 
this country. When protection is in force our workingmen are 
all employed; when it is not in force nearly all of them are idle. 
In other words, if we have protection it makes little difference 



Addri:ssks, 1909. 79 

with respect to the material prosperity of the country what else 
we have, but if we do not have it all else is of little benefit. 

My friends, do not for one moment abandon the fight because 
of the misrepresentations and fallacies of the enemies of protec- 
tion. Publicity and education are your most effective weapons. 
There is a popular hunger for knowledge on this question. You 
have no idea of the number of letters I receive daily, from all 
parts of the country, asking for explanations of erroneous state- 
ments made in newspaper articles and magazines. These misrep- 
resentations should be promptly refuted. I would suggest that it 
would be the part oi wisdom to provide facilities for disseminat- 
ing correct information. The idea has occurred to me that, as a 
mere matter of investment, it would pay the people of this city 
alone to have somewhere a corps of correspondents whose duty it 
would be to answer misleading newspaper articles. I do not know 
but that it is our own fault to a certain extent that the other side 
of the question, the benefits of protection, is not being more gen- 
erally discussed by the conservative newspapers of to-day. It 
would have been to me a source of great satisfaction during the 
last week or two- to have had some assistants in my office to 
answer the many questions. Only to-day a Senator came to me and 
said that his mail was flooded with inquiries about the tariff, and 
he solicited my aid in preparing at the earliest date possible a 
statement showing that the present high cost of living is not due 
to advances in the tariff. Information on this point may be 
readily given and the people want it and are entitled to it. We are 
sleeping on our rights when we fail to respond to their appeals. 

Fellow Pennsylvanians, let us be loyal to ourselves and not 
ashamed to proclaim what we believe, so that the American people 
may know and understand our principles and the merits of the 
great principle for which we contend. I thank you for your at- 
tention. (Long continued applause.) 

Thi; President : Gentlemen, we have to-night a guest who 
may be termed an expert and an authority in the lumber industry. 
He began his active career in a lumber camp in Michigan, and he 
is to-day perhaps one of the largest factors in that industry. Be- 



8o New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

sides this he is a Congressman, a member of the Ways and Means 
Committee, and had much to do with shaping the new tariff law. 
He comes from the Middle West, the home of the insurgent. He, 
however, is not an insurgent; he might without great injustice 
be termed "a standpatter." But, be that as it may, he is a man of 
force and power in the Councils of the Nation, a most generous 
and courteous antagonist and a sincere and devoted ally. 

We will be glad to have him talk to us upon either the tariff 
or lumber — the Hon. John W. Fordney, of Michigan. 

Congressman Fordney, who was cordially greeted and 
heartily applauded, prefaced his interesting response with some 
amusing anecdotes. He said : 

Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen — I thank you for the invita- 
tion to be present this evening, and I appreciate the honor of being 
called upon, to speak of the tariff and lumber. While somewhat 
familiar with the latter subject I have yet much to learn in regard 
to the tariff, though I knew less about it this time last year than 
I know to-day. I did, however, fire some pretty hot shots at the 
insurgents from guns loaded by Richard Campion and Joe 
Grundy. 

In my opinion some of the "insurgents" in the House of Rep- 
resentatives and Senate (and of the latter I would mention par- 
ticularly LaFollette of Wisconsin, Cummins of Iowa, Beveridge 
of Indiana, and perhaps the Minnesota Senators) are in a quan- 
dary like the editor of a country paper who was in pretty hard 
lines. He wrote to his brother editors, recommending his paper, 
"The Trumptown Sentinel," as full of information, etc., and ad- 
vising them to patronize it. One reply he received was this : "I 
never heard of the Trumptown Sentinel — where does it go?" 
The editor answered, "You are not well informed if you never 
heard of The Trumptown Sentinel ; it goes to Europe, Asia, 
Africa, North and South America; and it is the effort of my 

life to keep it from going to h ." If the gentlemen I have 

named are to continue their control in those Western States I 
will be fearful of the consequences to Republicanism there. 



Addri;sses, 1909. 8i 

At a banquet the other night I heard a story of a colloquy be- 
tween a Californian and a North Carolinian upon the merits of 
their respective States ; and, as some allusion was made to saw- 
mills, with which the great lumber State of Michigan is well sup- 
plied, I may be pardoned for referring to it. The Californian 
boasted of the large farms, extensive orchards and great trees of 
his State, and remarked exultingly, "I suppose that in North 
Carolina you haven't things on so large a scale." The other re- 
plied, "Oh, I don't know — we have dairymen who are pretty 
large operators ; one of them makes twenty-five thousand pounds 
of butter and fifteen thousand pounds of cheese every day;" and, 
turning to a friend, he added, "Isn't that so. Bill?" Bill respond- 
ed, "I don't know about that, but I do know that he runs twelve 
saw-mills on buttermilk." 

Gentlemen, not being a public speaker nor accustomed to ad- 
dressing a critical audience, I prepared a few notes upon the tariff 
and other questions of current public interest, and with your per- 
mission I will refer to them. 

I believe that the new Tariff Bill, as President Taft declared 
in his speech at Winona, Minnesota, on September 17th, is the 
best tariff law that was ever placed upon our statute books. The 
President said he regarded the woolen schedule as a little higher 
that he would like to have it. I am better pleased with it than he 
and would either leave the rates as fixed or raise them higher. 
Our good President, whom I sincerely admire, struck a blow be- 
low the water line at insurgents, critics and chronic fault finders 
when he asserted that "Certainly the promises of our party plat- 
form did not contemplate a downward revision of the tariff rates 
to such a point that any industry heretofore protected should be 
injured. No' one has a right to infer from anything said in our 
platform that it meant free trade or rabid downward revision." 
I cordially subscribe to President Taft's declaration, and I assert 
that the record shows there was no intention on the part of Re- 
publicans who took part in the framing of our new tariff law to 
injure any protected American industry. 

The beneficial results of the operation of our protective policy 
are not confined to any one section of the country. In proof of 

6 



82 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

this I will occupy but a few moments in giving you what seems to 
me to be a splendid illustration of the workings of that policy in 
the encouragement of the great industry of the South. Some fif- 
teen years ago, before any cotton mills were established in the 
Southern States, where our raw cotton is grown, the price ob- 
tained for cotton was five cents per pound. Ten million bales 
produced in the South at that time realized to the growers three 
hundred million dollars. The establishment Oif cotton mills in 
the South, where there are now ten million spindles working, 
brought about a demand at home for raw cotton to such an ex- 
tent that competition at home and abroad advanced the price of 
the raw material. Last year ten million bales returned to the 
same growers six hundred million dollars, and this year ten mil- 
lion bales bring to the same farmers nine hundred million dollars. 
Can any one consistently say that such a result would have been 
obtained had not Congress placed a compensatory duty upon cot- 
ton fabrics? 

Protection to the Southern cotton mills not only benefits the 
farmer of the South by an increased price for his raw cotton, but 
it furnishes employment in the mills for thousands of American 
laborers. These laborers consume other American products such 
as provisions, clothing and other necessaries of life ; and this con- 
sumption furnishes to farmers other than those engaged in cotton 
growing employment in the production of vegetables and all kinds 
of agricultural products consumed by the people, and also gives 
employment to manufacturers of clothing, boots, shoes and like 
necessaries. The resultant benefits to the masses of the people, 
under these conditions, are almost incalculable. It is safe tO' say 
that if the duty on cotton fabrics was removed the cotton mills 
of both the North and South would close their doors, their em- 
ployes would be scattered to- the four winds of the earth to find 
employment in other pursuits and the production of cotton fabrics 
consumed by the people of this country would be transferred to 
a foreign country, where cheap labor could be found. The fann 
products alone annually consumed by employes in cotton mills of 
the South reach, in value, the enormous sum of $100,000,000, 
without takinp- into account the value of other foods and of cloth- 



Addresses, 1909. 83 

ing-. And while the Southern farmers, fifteen years ago, received 
$300,000,000 for their crops, they are receiving at the present 
time $1,500,000,000. 

As a Representative in Congress from the State of Michigan 
I take pride in saying that the industries of that State are in har- 
mony with the industries of Pennsylvania and the other States 
and find development and prosperity under the same wise policy 
which has protected and encouraged all the industries of the na- 
tion. That is to say, all the people of our country are one in in- 
terest as well as in sentiment, and the smallest State shares with 
the largest in the blessings of good government just as a fragile 
leaf on the topmost bough of a tree is nurtured and strengthened 
from the same source in the roots which gives life and vigor to 
the great trunk and the branches. 

The value of the protective policy has been emphasized by 
the disastrous consequences which have followed from a tempo- 
rary abandonment of that policy. Under free trade or low tariff, 
from '93 tO' '97, the spectacle which the country presented was 
deplorable; prices of all products, whether of manufactures or 
agriculture, extremely low ; property values at ebb tide ; factories 
running on fractional time or not at all ; many business firms in 
bankruptcy; two billion dollars worth of railroad property in the 
hands of receivers, and three million laboring men out of employ- 
ment. This latter condition meant one-fifth of our population 
without an income, living upon credit or charity. More mort- 
gages were placed upon farm property during those years than in 
any half century in the history of the Republic. All this occurred 
but a comparatively brief period ago, yet there are men in this 
country to-day who were familiar with those desperate condi- 
tions, but now, apparently forgetting them, would go to extremes 
in a reduction of our tariff for the sole purpose of reducing values, 
at the risk of bringing about the same suffering and misery which 
were such a bitter experience to the American people. We may 
charitably assume that they really do not want a return of those 
impoverished conditions, but their course is beyond the com- 
prehension of reasonable men, certainly beyond mine. They are 
evidently chronic "kickers," who are seeking a change solely for 
the sake of change. 



84 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Gentlemen, our Democratic friends never sleep. No matter 
how recent or overwhelming their defeat at the polls, they are up 
and doing all the time. No undertaker, though a genius, has been 
equal to the task of inventing an embalming fluid that would keep 
a Democrat dead twenty- four hours ; and it stands the Republican 
party in hand to be alive to the situation and to put its shoulder 
to the wheel. We have trouble in our own ranks, and many so- 
called Republicans who voted for great reductions of rates of duty 
in the new tariff law will no doubt be found in the Democratic 
ranks at the next general election. The indications are, if popular 
sentiment in the Middle West has been fairly represented by its 
representatives in Congress, that a strong minority there is dis- 
satisfied with the law; but, thank Heaven, the recalcitrant Con- 
gressmen were not sufficiently numerous to be dangerous, for they 
cut little or no- figure in the making up of the law. 

Lumber is one of the important interests affected by the tariff. 
Its production in the United States, last year, reached the enor- 
mous quantity of forty billion feet, valued at more than $600,- 
000,000, f.o.b. at the point of manufacture. The average freight 
received by railroads upon the entire quantity was $7.50' per 
thousand feet, or $300,000,000. There are thirty thousand saw- 
mills in the United States, employing over eight hundred thousand 
men and supporting a population of four million of people. This 
does not include those employed in the retail lumber trade. Yet 
there are people (there are many of them, too) who believe that 
the manufacturers of lumber should not receive any protection 
whatever. Can it be pointed out where or how that great industry 
can be benefited by free trade? If it is manifest that free trade 
would injure it so^ as to affect the incomes of men employed in 
the business, thus reducing the purchasing power of those four 
millions of people, and by so doing crippling all other industries 
allied with labor, is there any one willing to aid in bringing about 
such a result? 

The lumber manufacturers and lumber camps of this country 
are great consumers of products such as steel, iron, railroad cars, 
saw-mill machinery, engines and everything in that line, together 
with provisions of all kinds and clothing, all of which are pro- 



Address]2:s, 1909. 85 

tected to the highest degree. Is it reasonable, therefore, to say 
that this industry, one of the leading industries of the country, 
should go unprotected when it is such a large consumer of pro- 
ducts that are protected? I believe you will agree with me that 
it is not. 

Many topics of national interest occur to me, but the limited 
time at my disposal precludes other than a mere mention of 
them. A strict enforcement of our revenue laws is essential to 
the protection of the American producer. The duties collected 
by the Government on foreign imports must be uniform as applied 
to all the people. The officials whose duty it is to enforce the law 
should be men whose high character and integrity are a guarantee 
of faithful and impartial service, because the imposition of a tariff 
rate does not benefit the home producer unless the rate is actually 
collected. The mere enactment of a law is of little value without 
an equitable and strict administration of it. I believe that I voice 
the sentiment of every good citizen of the United States when I 
express the hope that under-valuations of foreign imports are 
things of the past, especially as we have abrogated and have elim- 
inated from our records commercial trade treaties which gave un- 
due advantages to importers. Dishonest customs officials must be 
removed from their positions, and they are now daily being re- 
moved. I admire President Taft for his courage and determina- 
tion in correcting abuses in this branch of the Government ser- 
vice, and I heartily approve of the renovation that is now being 
made under his administration. 

The welfare of the laboring classes of this country depends 
absolutely upon a rigid administration of our laws regulating 
labor and capital and upon a square deal being given to both. The 
man who would damn another because of the wealth of that other, 
honestly obtained, is not honest, and his influence in our Govern- 
ment should be confined to the minimum. 

The railroads of the country are entitled to, and should re- 
ceive, fair treatment at the hands of the Government, but they 
must understand that they are not to indulge in discriminatory 
rates to the prejudice of one shipper and the advantage of another, 
for such rates are a tariff wall and an insurmountable obstacle to 
the victim. 



86 Nkw Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

The great Western States offer opportunities to multitudes of 
our people to better their condition. Millions of acres of un- 
occupied valuable lands, awaiting cultivation, invite the pioneer; 
while the arid portions are being improved in a substantial man- 
ner, under Government auspices, by the construction of great res- 
ervoirs and other facilities for irrigation. Occupants of humble 
tenements in crowded cities may readily provide themselves with 
comfortable homes and magnificent famis in the Western country 
if they have but the courage to make the effort. 

Another current topic is the supply of gold in the United 
States. This depends not so much upon our production of gold 
as upon a favorable balance of trade between this and other coun- 
tries. This country produced last year $94,500,000 of gold, one- 
third of which has been consumed in the industrial arts ; and we 
would soon diminish our supply in the payment of foreign debts 
and by the use of it in the industrial arts were it for for the fact 
of a wholesome balance of trade in favor of the United States. 

Another item of interest is the fact that our freight bills for 
the transportation of goods between this and foreign countries, 
last year, exceeded $200,000,000, of which more than ninety per 
cent, was paid to the owners of foreign vessels. This is a serious 
existing condition and one that ought to be remedied in an equit- 
able manner by Government aid to our merchant marine. 

Gentlemen, I have perhaps occupied too much of your time 
in speaking of the tariff, but I again recur to it as I regard that 
as paramount to all other questions of public policy and as abso- 
lutely the only vital issue between the two great political parties 
at this time. I would have no desire to remain longer in Congress 
were it not that I feel it is the duty of the strongest protectionists 
to remain at the helm when the very vitals of our nation are being 
attacked by free-traders. My experience in connection with the 
framing of the tariff bill strengthened this conviction. Before the 
Committee on Ways and Means had reported the bill I was waited 
upon by three gentlemen who presented a letter of introduction 
from a very dear friend of mine and asked for five minutes of my 
time in which to demonstrate the reasonableness of their conten- 
tion for a lovv^er duty on certain goods of which they exhibited 



Addresses, 1909. 87 

samples of American and German manufacture. Their spokes- 
man declared that if the duty was increased they would have to go 
out of business. I asked him if they were American manufac- 
turers, and he replied, "We are the largest importers in the 
country." Then I said to him, "My friend, there is an institution 
in the City of Detroit, in my home State, that has a quarter of a 
million of dollars invested in making that kind of goods, and if 
it is a question whether that institution or one in Hamburg, Ger- 
many, shall close, you may rest assured that the one in Detroit 
will continue to run if my vote will help to make it run." He 
merely answered that on tariff matters I seemed to be absolutely 
crazy. In another instance my attention was called to an article, 
known as thorium, used in the manufacture of gas mantels, the 
supply of which came from Germany. The committee was in- 
formed that firms in this country engaged in that industry were 
laboring under great difficulties. The price of it had been six 
dollars per pound, but, after the agitation about the rate of duty, 
the Germans reduced the price to, as I remember it, four dollars 
or four dollars and a half. Subsequently I was told it had been 
reduced to $2.75. I am glad to say that I voted to increase the 
duty on that article. In relation to the need of protection for 
lumber, I was told by a friend who happened to be in Vancouver, 
British Columbia, last July, that a resident of Saginaw had under- 
taken the construction of a mill there in expectation of the Ameri- 
can duty on lumber and shingles being taken off, which would 
enable him to find an American market for his product. Upon 
learning that the Committee of Conference at Washington had 
decided upon a rate of $1.25 per thousand feet on lumber and 
fifty cents per thousand on shingles (the latter being an increase 
from thirty cents under the Dingley law), the man abandoned 
his undertaking, removed to the State of Oregon and constructed 
a mill there. When the House of Representatives came to act 
on the duty on lumber forty-four Democrats voted for it, and it 
was carried by a small majority of eight votes. If the decision 
had been left to the Republicans of the Western and Middle 
States, who purchase lumber, but have none to sell, we would 
have had free trade in lumber. Every mother's son of them who 



88 Nkw Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

favored free lumber voted for protection to every article pro- 
duced by their own States. They are the "spotted Republicans" 
of whom Senator Smoot has spoken. 

Gentlemen, I may be pardoned for referring with some grat- 
ification to my labors in the Committee on Ways and Means and 
the success which finally attended them. I went into the struggle 
as a protectionist and asked for more than I expected to get be- 
cause I knew that some of the members of that committee were 
rabid Downward Revisionists, and it was a rough and tumble 
scramble for a time. Some days the results were discouraging, 
every proposition I advocated seemed doomed to defeat, and I 
went tO' my hotel at night sick at heart. On other days I was more 
successful and the rates were made higher. I felt more interest 
in this work than in any other in which I ever engaged, and, after 
making a good fight for five months, was able, in my feeble way, 
to help maintain the standard of protection in the duties fixed by 
the new tariff bill. In my judgment no one of the duties is too 
high. (Applause.) 

The President : Gentlemen, from the great State of Kan- 
sas we have a guest ; and although we have agreed that he might 
be allowed to enjoy himself as best he could in our company, with- 
out "cold feet" or work of any kind, I think it due to his State 
that we have some words from him, however brief. Beside being 
a leading member of Congress, he has the proud distinction of 
having been a soldier in the Civil War, and I think he should 
have a special welcome in this historic home of patriotism — the 
Hon. William A. Calderhead. 

Congressman Caederhead was generously greeted and his 
remarks frequently applauded. He responded : 

Mr. Toastmaster and gentlemen — I thank you for your kindly 
greeting. It is impossible for me to visit the Club-house of the 
Union League of Philadelphia without being reminiscent. About 
the time that the Union League was organized I ate my first meal 
in Philadelphia. Some of us had been detached from the front 
and sent back for duty. The Quartermaster and Commissary had 



Addresses, 1909. 89 

not been properly instructed, and the only rations we had when 
we landed at Broad and Prime were a barrel of flour and a barrel 
of pickled pork; and it was Sunday morning. After much in- 
vestigation and effort we traded the barrel of flour for loaves of 
bread, sat down on a curbstone, sliced the raw pickled pork, spread 
it on the bread and ate our breakfast. It is some satisfaction after 
this length of time, with that old memory, to sit down at a board 
like this and enjoy this bounty. 

I remember the courage that the very name "The Union 
League" gave to the boys at the front. There is something in it 
that warms our hearts yet whenever we hear it. The Union 
League, throughout all its history, has been valuable to the na- 
tional life. But more recent reminiscences occurred to me here, 
particularly when I listened to my friend Fordney. I was on the 
Ways and Means Committee and on the Conference Committee 
during the preparation of the present tariff bill ; and I couldn't 
tell you without taking too much time what a great school that 
course of education was to us. I will not attempt that now; I 
only allude to it for the purpose of saying to you that Mr. Fordney 
ought to get off free when he attempts to tell a story upon my 
friend Campion. There were some things that occurred in the 
Conference Committee that, I suppose, were not intended for pub- 
lication. For instance, on the morning when we reached the cot- 
ton schedule and somebody from the House side proposed that the 
schedule must be reduced, Fordney, taken by surprise, looked up 
and shouted, "Oh, no." There was a Senator at the head of the 
table, one of the most modest of men, and he quietly remarked, 
"Now, Fordney, you keep still — what do you know about cotton ?" 
My friend instantly replied, "Why there's more cotton pressed in 
the lumber camps than anywhere else." (Merriment.) For some 
time I have wondered how he acquired that knowledge. 

But, gentlemen, I ought to speak for Kansas. It is so far 
away; and you are so- rich, strong and happy here that I some- 
times think you are in the habit of looking upon us as one of the 
"outlying possessions," one of the suburbs of your populous East. 
I went to Kansas immediately after the war. Most of that State 
was still a wild plain. Out in what is now one of the populous 



90 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

districts, which for the last twelve or fourteen years has had Sen- 
ators and Representatives in Congress, I made, I think, the first 
wagon track; and there was not another wagon track within 
ninety miles of it at the time, except the old Sante-Fe Trail. I 
remember the State when the very air of it was the air of liberty, 
when all the language of it was the language of liberty, when as 
the morning sun came up the air was perfumed with the odor of 
a thousand flowers, when the gentle breezes kept the grass waving 
like the restless sea. And there, alone with Nature, we were 
nearer to the Eternal who guides the destinies of men and nations 
then we would have been anywhere else or than you can be in 
the busy marts of commerce. In such a land as that the sons 
of liberty have made their home; and now, whatever vagaries 
may be charged and whatever reputation may be given to us in 
the public press, the heart of Kansas is brave, and the public 
opinion of Kansas sits in judgment upon what the nation does. 
As a member of Congress from that State, standing for protec- 
tion, side by side with my brother Fordney and with Senator 
Smoot, I know that I faced somewhat an adverse public opinion ; 
but I was there to do what my people ought tO' have done if they 
had been there. I was there as an American against the world. 
It is because of that that I have stood for the principle of protec- 
tion to American industry, American manufacturing and Ameri- 
can labor. 

It is needless that I should here defend the protective tariff. 
At home, when I was explaining the making of the tariff bill and 
the manner in which we had scaled the schedules, one of my very 
best friends looked at me pleasantly and said, "Maybe it is all 
right, but wouldn't we be just as well off if it was all abolished, 
and the revenues for carrying on the Government were raised in 
some other way or by some other form of taxation?" I replied, 
"Possibly; if all mankind were under our jurisdiction and under 
our flag, we might devise a scheme of taxation that would be more 
satisfactory, but until you can bring other nations of the world 
to the same moral code, the same standard of life and the same 
methods of business, we must have our own American standard 
and must stand by it." 



Addresses, 1909. 91 

At my age men are a little prone to give advice, and I would 
probably volunteer more of it but for the discipline I have had. 
At one time I was a school teacher and was pretty free with my 
advice to- everybody until one of my assistants came to me with a 
story of what happened to her. She had a boy who was ex- 
ceedingly troublesome and she had been telling him what he 
should do to be good, that he might go to the good place and what 
he should do to avoid going to the bad place. One morning, when 
he was worse than usual, she said to him, "Johnnie, I am afraid I 
shall never see you in heaven." Without looking up from his 
play the little fellow replied, "Why, what have you been doing 
now ?" So that if I begin to offer advice and to predict what may 
happen to you if you don't do what I think you ought to do you 
may put some question of that kind to me. But may I suggest to 
you now that yours is a great manufacturing State- — as the 
Senator said, one of the greatest in the world ; that the protective 
tariff has been made to protect your interest in manufacturing, 
to protect the labor you employ, and that it has been made by 
legislators who are responsible tO' their constituencies located at 
remote distances from here, a thousand or twO' thousand, some 
of them three thousand miles away, among people whose opinions 
and whose points of view are different from yours. Then why 
should it devolve upon these Senators and these Representatives 
to go home and defend this tariff? Why should you yourselves 
not ascertain the conditions and cost of production in every 
country in the world, in respect to all lines of your manufactures ; 
and why should you not make the facts known to the American 
people that they may understand why a protective tariff is neces- 
sary for you and beneficial to the whole country? Is not that 
your work rather than ours ? Congressmen are charged with the 
exercise of the taxing power and raising revenue to support the 
Government; and also all bills for the expenditure of the public 
money to carry on the Government are required to originate in 
the House of Representatives. We hold in our hands these 
powers of taxation and disbursement, and therefore the Constitu- 
tion has limited our term of service to two years, in order that 
the people may have an opportunity of recalling us if we tax too 



92 Ne;w Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

heavily or expend unwisely. But because these onerous and re- 
sponsible duties are imposed upon us ought we for that reason 
to be required tO' go home and defend, before a whole nation, a 
policy which embodies not merely the raising of necessary reve- 
nue, but protection to American manufactures and American 
industry? I know, and we all know, that the benefits of pro- 
tection are not confined to the manufacturer as a capitalist, or 
as an individual, nor to the wage earner in the factory, but that 
they are equally enjoyed by the people of the agricultural section 
from which I come, in supplying those people with a home market 
for the things they produce and which they have to sell. It is 
not sufficient that I should make this declaration to my people or 
continue to assure them that, as long as the manufacturing in- 
terests of the country have sufficient protection, they will have 
an ample market for their products, but it is incumbent upon you 
to show them and to show the American people what the cost 
of production is in other countries that the fact may be better 
appreciated as to why it is that you need this measure of protec- 
tion which is given in the law. I suggest that you should not 
impose that burden upon members of Congress, who stand for 
the protection of their own constituencies, 

I suggest further, by the way of advice, to keep in mind that 
we are one people from sea to sea and that manufactures, of which 
you have had so large a share hitherto, are creeping westward, 
nearer to the point of production of the raw material. The second 
largest shoe factory in the world is in St. Louis ; there are knit- 
ting mills in Kansas City, St. Joe and Omaha; woolen mills in 
Milwaul<ee, Des Moines and Davenport; and all over the Western 
States are new manufactories that have grown up within the last 
few years, that are expanding rapidly and supplying the markets 
there. As the markets there are supplied, you on the Atlantic 
seaboard will be required to look somewhere else for your market 
and you will be required to manufacture so that you can go out 
into the world in competition with all other manufacturing na- 
tions. You will presently begin to demand of us free raw ma- 
terials for your manufactures, to compensate you for the loss 
of the market which you have had with us. 



Addrksses, 1909. 93 

These are problems that yon will have to think about in the 
immediate future. In the meantime you must cultivate the spirit 
of Americans, you must come to see us at our homes, you must 
come to see how we live, what we do, and tell us how you live 
and what you do, so that the nation may be bound together by the 
ties of a common brotherhood as well as of a common blood. 
We are your sons, inheriting your land, inheriting from you the 
traditions of the nation; and we are all brethren, children of one 
great Nation. In an olden time the sons of a Patriarch were chal- 
lenged with a supreme question as to their good faith and true 
character. Then they answered with loyal fidelity to each other 
and to their Patriarch, "We are true men; all we are brethren, 
sons of one father." So now I ask you to remember that "all we 
are brethren," sons of one great liberty, children of one great 
Nation, bearing one flag toward the fulfillment of the great 
Divine purpose. I thank you. (Applause.) 

The; President: Gentlemen, lest we may seem to be neg- 
lecting our own State, although I have promised not to require 
speeches from Jerseymen, I suggest that we ought to have a word 
or two from the junior Senator from New Jersey, Senator Briggs. 

Hon, Frank O. Briggs, U. S. Senator from New Jersey, 
who was cordially greeted and generously applauded, responded : 

Mr. President and Pennsylvanians from New Jersey — I thank 
you very sincerely for the privilege of enjoying your hospitality 
to-night. The occasion has been so delightful that I want especially 
to thank your Committee who persuaded me that it was my duty 
to cancel an engagement and come here to-night. Permit me to 
go my friend Smoot one better and say that I hereby accept all 
invitations to your banquets in the future. (Merriment.) 

You come here no doubt to celebrate a sort of a double func- 
tion in honoring your native State and also the State of your 
adoption. I have always had a great admiration for Pennsyl- 
vania. Its material greatness, the immensity of its mineral de- 
posits, its broad acres of timber land, its fertile soil and valuable 
farms form a basis for a State of vast wealth and power. The 



94 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

natural resources of Pennsylvania have been developed admir- 
ably; and the right kind of men have come along from time to 
time, as they were needed, to carry on the work of building up 
this great Commonwealth. I never realized before to-night, how- 
ever, from whence that class of men came. 

In your fondness for and devotion to your native State of 
New Jersey you have my heartiest commendation. You do well 
to be proud of New Jersey. That snug little Commonwealth is 
giving a good account of itself, and will continue to do' so, in the 
brotherhood of States. Its location, situated as it is between the 
two great cities of the country, is an assurance of continued 
growth in wealth and material prosperity. Its almost insular 
position, with nearly three-fourths of its circumference bordering 
upon the navigable waters of the Hudson River, the Atlantic 
Ocean, the Delaware Bay and River, is a guarantee that it will 
share in the shipping business of the country for years to come. 
Our Atlantic coast line, wits its splendid climate, fine beaches 
and home-like resorts, is brought by its exceptional railroad facil- 
ities within five hours' ride of ten millions of people. The north- 
ern section of the State, with its mountains, lakes and valleys, is 
destined to be the home of myriads of people who prefer the quiet 
and salubrity of rural life to the bustle and turmoil of the city. 
Incomparable schools, excellent libraries, patriotic and benevolent 
institutions in great profusion all over the State are evidences of 
a progressive, public spirited and intelligent people. 

But the influence of New Jersey has not been confined within 
the borders of the State. The past twenty years have witnessed 
almost a revolution in the management of commercial and manu- 
facturing enterprises in this country. New problems have arisen 
to be solved, while the enormous increase of our industrial con- 
cerns in this country has required new systems and new methods 
This wonderful growth would have been paralyzed had we been 
compelled to depend upon the old methods. But new methods 
were found, and the nation has progressed as no other nation on 
earth ever progressed. In my judgment no factor has contributed 
more largely to the solution of these problems than the sane, en- 
lightened and conservative laws passed by the legislature and the 



Addresses, 1909. 95 

wise administration of those laws by the able, learned and upright 
judiciary of the State of New Jersey. New Jersey's contribution 
to the development of this country is unequaled; and though it 
may not be fully recognized at the present time, it will be more 
and more appreciated in the years to come, when millions all 
over our land will look up to Jersey and call her blessed. 

President Campion, upon retiring as Presiding Officer, 
said : Now, gentlemen, a word for our own Society. I feel that 
we should not adjourn without commending our Committee on 
Entertainment — a body of young men who took charge of this 
function and arranged it in all its details, giving days and nights 
to bringing it to what I hoped would be a success. We, as mem- 
bers of this Society, owe them a great debt. I hope you will all 
agree with me in that. 

And now it only remains for me to present to you your new 
President, who will bring the proceedings to a close — the Hon. 
Reuben O. Moon. 

Hon. Reuben O. Moon, the President-elect, upon assuming 
the chair, was received with enthusiasm. He said : 

Gentlemen of the New Jersey Society in Pennsylvania — I 
feel sure that my first official announcement is one that will af- 
ford you all satisfaction and pleasure, and that is that I do not 
intend to make a speech. The long and varied program that you 
have already enjoyed and the late hour precludes the possibility 
of my attempting to do such a thing; but even the lateness of the 
hour would not excuse me for not saying a word respecting the 
magnificent services performed for you and in your interest by 
your retiring President, Mr. Campion. 

In the election of Mr. Campion as the President of this 
Society you performed a very worthy and a very excellent act. 
Mr. Campion's efforts have contributed in holding this Society up 
to the very high standard that had been established by its two pre- 
ceding Presidents, Mr. Dobbins and Mr. French. His persistent 
efforts, his great energy and that success which crowns every ef- 



96 



New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 



fort made by our friend, Dick Campion, have, in my judgment, 
made this dinner to-night a conspicuous success. 

In conclusion I can say that the highest ambition I have, in 
the discharge of the important, responsible and honorable duties 
to which you have called me, is to hold the standard of the So- 
ciety, in the coming year, up tO' the high mark that has been set to- 
night by your retiring President, Mr. Campion. 

Now, if the members oi the Singing Society (the Orpheus 
Club), who have contributed so much to our enjoyment, will be 
kind enough to close the exercises by singing "Auld Lang Syne" 
we will consider ourselves dismissed. 

The request of the Chair was responded to with much spirit, 
the entire company joining in the refrain; and thus ended one of 
the most enjoyable reunions of the Society. 




. . '.!.„ '*-^.^;-•^~ * ^M.S 



4^ •■^ite^to-^'v. :&;:•■'' -^"v... -:^< 



'PETTICOAT BRIDGE.' 



ADDRESSES 

The Fourth Annual Dinner of The New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania was held at the Union League, of Philadelphia, on 
Saturday evening, December seventeenth, nineteen hundred and 
ten. 

Hon Rkuben O. Moon, President of the Society, presided. 

President Moon prefaced the oratory by welcoming the 
company most cordially. He expressed his gratification and that 
of the officers of the Society with the very large attendance of 
the members and the presence of eminent men as their guests. 
Commenting upon the beautiful and animating scene in the spa- 
cious, brilliantly lighted hall, now for the first time used as a 
banquet room, he characterized it as worthy of the spirit of the 
occasion and added that every department of commercial, in- 
dustrial and professional life was represented at the elaborately 
decorated tables. He declared that New Jersey for more than 
a century had contributed a very material part in the progress 
and development of the City of Philadelphia, and that now, within 
a brief period of four years, the New Jersey Society of Penn- 
sylvania had established a record for notable dinners which it 
would be difficult for any similar organization to surpass or equal. 
Explaining that speech-making was not one oi the functions of 
the Chair at an annual dinner, when orators were present to dis- 
cuss Jersey history, he said he simply wanted tO' emphasize the 
fact that the position attained by the Society had won recog- 
nition by the greatest men of the country. He continued : 

The President of the United States, one of the guests whom 
we invited to this dinner, was unable, on account of a pressure 
of great public duties, to be here to-night. An invitation was 
personally tendered him by a committee consisting of Mr. Moore 
and myself, to which he made a response in writing. His letter 
appreciating the invitation and commending our Society is as 
follows : 

(97) 



98 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

"White House, Washington, D. C, 
December 15, 19 10. 
My Dear Mr. Moon : 

The invitation extended to me by you, as President 
of the New Jersey Society in Pennsylvania, and by Mr. 
Moore, as President-elect, to attend the annual dinner 
of the Society, at the Union League, in Philadelphia, on 
the evening of December 17, 1910, is one that I highly 
appreciate. Public duties in Washington, however, at 
this time make it impossible for me to accept your cour- 
teous invitation. 

I have previously been compelled for the same 
reason to decline an invitation of the Society of my 
own State to an occasion of similar character. 

Your Society and societies of kindred character are 
of public as well as of social importance. In our dual 
form of government, where the citizens of the several 
States owe allegiance to distinct sovereignties, an or- 
ganization that has for its object the declaration by its 
members of fealty to the State of their birth and of 
loyalty and devotion to the State of their adoption, ac- 
quires in some degree an inter-State significance and 
evinces a spirit of National patriotism that is worthy of 
high commendation. 

The dinner being also intended to commemorate the 
adoption by the State of New Jersey of the National 
Constitution, is a reaffirmation of your loyalty to the 
Federal Government and to the great nation that the 
adoption of that Constitution helped so materially to 
establish. 

Regretting my inability to be present and extending 
through you to your members my appreciation of their 
invitation, I am 

Very cordially yours, 

Wm. H. Taet/' 

(The letter was generously applauded.) 



Addrdssks, 19 10. 99 

President Moon proposed, as a tribute to the head of the 
nation, the toast "The President of the United States." 

The entire company responded with enthusiasm and empha- 
sized their respect for President Taft by rising and honoring the 
toast while standing. 

PrESide^nt Moon then introduced the speech-making by pre- 
senting, as the first speaker, the Hon. Champ Clark, member of 
Congress from Missouri, whom he greeted as the next Speaker 
of the American House of Representatives. He continued : 

We have not been favored to-night with the presence of the 
President of the United States, but we are honored in the accept- 
ance of our invitation by two of the greatest men of the nation, 
the Speaker of the National House, and his probable successor. 
The latter, whom I now present, is a leader whose star looms 
bright upon the new political horizon ; and to him the eyes of the 
American people are now turning. Recognized as possessing 
qualities which the country admires, he is distinguished in an 
eminent degree for his virile and clearly defined convictions upon 
public questions and for his political integrity, which has com- 
manded the sincere admiration of his political opponents. He has 
a special claim upon our consideration in being of New Jersey 
birth and origin. 

Hon. Champ Ceark, of Missouri, after a cordial greeting, 
responded with characteristic humor and force as follows : 

Mr. President and gentlemen — This is my first visit to the 
Union League of Philadelphia, though I had been invited here 
several times ; and it is due to the persistence of my friends, 
Judge Moon and Congressman Moore, that I am here now. If 
I had known that eloquent speakers like Mr. Speaker Cannon, 
Senator Heyburn and Senator Kean were coming here I would 
not have been present, because having so many of us here tO' 
speak may be regarded as a waste of raw material — and you 
may hear more about raw material in the next twelve months 
than you will care to hear. I felt somewhat aggravated this 



loo New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

evening when I found that those gentlemen were present, not be- 
cause I wanted to make a long speech, but for the reason that 
it would be superfluous. My good humor has returned — ^this 
dinner would put anybody in a good humor — and I am glad to 
be with you. My father was born and raised over in New 
Jersey, near Little Egg Harbor. My grandfather had accumu- 
lated a competence in the glass-making business when some fel- 
low ran away with the greater part of his fortune. My father 
was apprenticed to learn the trade of buggy and carriage build- 
ing and at one time was a journeyman workman up in Mead- 
ville, Pennsylvania. So that I feel a sort of kinship with people 
of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and am as proud that my father 
was a skilled laborer as of the fact that I have been elected, from 
Missouri, to the Congress of the United States nine times. My 
father was equally proud of his craft and of his native State. 
Many a time, when a child, I heard him say that west of the 
Allegheny Mountains he had never seen but one carriage that 
was well made and he had no doubt that that had come from 
back here somewhere. The migrations of the Clark family 
illustrate the restless, progressive spirit of Americans in the early 
days. My grandfather lived in Connecticut and then came to 
New Jersey; my father moved from New Jersey to Kentucky; 
and later I went to Missouri. I would not be surprised if some 
day my boy should imitate this example and follow the star of 
empire westwarl. 

Judge Moon has introduced me as the next Speaker of the 
House of Representatives. His prediction may be fulfilled if I 
live long enough, unless King David told the truth when, in his 
haste, he declared that all men are liars. The fact remains that 
182 pledges have been given in black and white, and it takes 
only 114 votes to nominate if Kustermann is in and 115 if 
Kustermann is out. I suppose that everybody here naturally 
thinks that, as the probable successor to the Speakership, I feel 
happier than the present incumbent of the office, my well be- 
loved friend, Mr. Speaker Cannon; but my private opinion pub- 
licly expressed is that he is getting more fun and satisfaction 
out of the present situation than I am. His troubles are about 



Addresses, 1910. 10 1 

over and mine are just beginning. Doubtless he appreciates 
the force of the Biblical saying about a man having more reason 
to rejoice when taking the harness off than when putting it on. 
If I don't quote that passage correctly it is because I have not 
had time, in the last few years, while being harrassed by the 
Republicans, to study the Bible very minutely. My candidacy has 
suggested to my mind a question which I debated in my school- 
boy days, away back in the Hill Country, in Kentucky, a ques- 
tion that has never been solved as far as I know, viz., whether 
there is more pleasure in pursuit than in possession. Speaker 
Cannon, I think, is better qualified to- answer that than I am. 
He has well said that the office is a great one. I realize that 
it is a distinguished honor to be mentioned in connection with it ; 
and the best thing that I can wish for myself is that, if elected, 
it may be my extreme good fortune, upon the expiration of my 
term of service, to be as personally popular as "Uncle Joe" is 
to-day. It has been a great gratification to me to participate 
in celebrating three or four of his birthdays — having started two 
celebrations myself — and I hope he may live to take part in many 
more. It has been well said of him that he is a born fighter, 
and he is glad of it. Whatever else may be said of him, that 
reputation is well deserved. 

Mr. Chairman, I know that we are not called upon here to 
make political speeches, but it may not be improper for me to 
refer to the political situation. I understand that nearly all of 
you gentlemen are Republicans; but there may not be as many 
of you as there were a year ago. For myself I can claim the 
credit of allegiance to party principles under all circumstances. 
For sixteen years I was like one crying in the wilderness. It 
made no difference how badly we were defeated, I invariably 
prophesied that we were going to carry the next House of Repre- 
sentatives. For sixteen years the newspapers poked fun at me, 
guyed me and joked at me as a rainbow chaser, but their gibes 
suddenly ceased at midnight on the eighth of last November. 
But I do not deceive myself about political conditions in the 
United States to-day. It is not at all evident to my mind that 
the Republican party is dead, but rather that the Democrats are 



I02 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

on probation. We have a golden opportunity, such a one as has 
not come to the Democrats but once in my recollection. I recog- 
nize that coupled with it are grave responsibilities; that if we 
do what we ought to do we are going to have a chance to hold 
on, and that if we fail it will be back to the wilderness for us. 

The most concise and candid statement of the situation that 
I have heard was made by John Sharp Williams, two or three 
years ago, when, in the course of a debate with a political oppo- 
nent, he declared that the country was tired of the Republicans 
and afraid of us. We now have a chance to make good. The 
country is giving us a trial. The recent popular upheaval in 
the United States is a Republican defeat rather than a Demo- 
cratic victory. I am not afraid to state the truth about it. I 
have given the matter much thought, and I make the statement 
upon what is shown by actual figures. We won the election by 
the stay-at-home vote. If we are true to the trust reposed in 
us by that stay-at-home vote we will have it on our side next 
time. 

The history of Great Britain and of the United States shows 
that in a country whose institutions are based upon suffrage the 
tenure of control is about equally divided between the opposing 
parties. It is a fact that, throughout the one hundred and twenty 
years of the existence of this Government prior to the present 
administration, the Democrats were in power for one-half the 
time and the Republicans or their political predecessors for the 
other half. This computation accredits John Quincy Adams as 
a Democrat, John Tyler as a Whig and Andrew Johnson as a 
Republican, though it is difficult to classify those three Presidents 
politically. I have no doubt that the opposing parties will divide 
the next one hundred and twenty years between them in like 
manner. 

I am not a pessimist in politics. Indeed, I think there is no 
room for the pessimist in this country. It is true that in the 
great legislative body of the nation bitter contentions, heated 
arguments and fierce struggles occur, but the truth is, the average 
member of Congress, nO' matter to what party he belongs, is a 
good American citizen and strives to legislate, according to his 



Addri:sse;s, 1 9 10. 103 

lights, for the good of the American people. I have fought the 
Republican party earnestly, but it has never been my opinion 
that the country was going to perdition because that party won. 
If I were making a political forecast I would say that the result 
of the recent election would prove beneficial to the Republicans 
as well as the Democrats. I want to make this statement also 
that in the House of the next Congress all legislation, as far as 
I am concerned or as far as I can influence it, is going to be 
framed with an eye single to the welfare, the honor and the glory 
of the American Republic. (Cheers.) 

Concerning the Speakership, permit me to add that some- 
times, when I think of the responsibility of the office, my feel- 
ing about it is like that of a resident of my district who married 
a handsome woman and got along with her very poorly. When 
told by a former rival, "I came very near getting your wife once," 
his reply was, "Oh, I only wish you had got her." If the position 
is conferred upon me I will be true to its responsibilities, and I 
hope that the interests of the country will be safe in my hands. 
As the political adviser of the majority, I will urge the House 
to pursue a safe and patriotic course if it would command the 
confidence and support of the country. ( Applause.) 

ThK President : Gentlemen, you have heard from the elo- 
quent Moses of the new political dispensation. We now turn 
with pride to that militant and dominant leader of the old dis- 
pensation, a statesman who has been identified with more con- 
structive legislation and who has contributed more to the pro- 
gress and development of the country than any other living to- 
day — the worst abused and best loved man in America — whose 
valorous independence is applauded and whose genial face is 
known throughout the length and breadth of this land, from 
Maine to California — the Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives, Hon. Joseph G. Cannon. 

Speaker Cannon was hailed with cheers, the company mean- 
while rising in a furor of enthusiasm. His interesting address, 
interspersed with outbursts of applause and merriment, was as 
follows : 



I04 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Mr. President and gentlemen of the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania — This is the second time that I have had the honor 
and the pleasure to be one of your guests. When I received the 
invitation I said that if I should come and be called upon to say 
a word, in view of my remarks at the banquet two years ago, 
there would probably be a thousand chestnut bells ringing as I 
talked. But the President of your Society is a very persistent in- 
dividual. He said to me, "Mr. Cannon, have I ever during my 
service in the House of Representatives failed to answer when 
you called?" I replied, "No, Brother Moon, you have not." 
Then he said, "As you have called on me many times, I call on 
you now for the first time and you should not fail to^ answer." 
I threw up my hands and surrendered. 

When I learned that the next Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives would be here to-night, I suggested that he be wel- 
comed first, because in this world our faces properly are turned 
toward the rising rather than the setting sun. And yet I am 
not cast down, although our friends, the political opponents, 
have come into power, in this off year, in the House of Repre- 
sentatives ; and God knows — I do not know — whether they have 
come into power in the Senate at the same time. This is one of 
the questions that will be solved in the future. Looking into your 
face, Mr. Representative Clark, I want to say that whether the 
party of which you are an honored member be right or wrong 
remains to be proved by its performance when clothed with sub- 
stantial power in the National House of Representatives, but no 
man, during your service (and I have been a member of the 
House during the whole of the time you have been in Congress), 
is a more logical choice of the Democratic party for the ofiice of 
Speaker of the House of Representatives than you. You have 
the courage of your convictions ; you have been constant in pros- 
perous days and in dark days, and you have been as true as the 
needle to the pole in your allegiance to the party to- which you 
belong. (Applause.) So that from every standpoint, especially 
from the personal standpoint, that of true manhood and good 
citizenship, it is fitting — your party having the majority — that 
you should be Speaker of the next House of Representatives. 



Addresses, 19 io. 105 

And when the time comes for you to occupy the chair, if I live 
until then (and I mean to live to be a hundred), I shall address 
you as "Mr. Speaker," and while I may not bend "the pregnant 
hing-es of the knee" to the Speaker of the House (as you have 
not), I shall always be mindful of the dignity of that great 
office which, when worthily filled, is, in my opinion, the second 
office, and the second office only, in the great Republic. No 
man whose personal acquaintance I have had the honor to enjoy 
will believe for a moment, when it comes to the economic policies 
of the two great parties, that after forty years of service as a 
Republican member of the House of Representatives I will for- 
sake the policies of my party. 

If I may be permitted the observation, I will say that I regard 
the late defeat of the Republican party first in the light of the 
saying, "the Lord loveth whom He chasteneth." I conceive that 
if I, as a member of the Republican party, be mistaken touching 
the justice and the wisdom of the policies of that great party, 
that fact will be demonstrated when our friends, the political 
opponents, put their policies upon the statute books. However 
we may be divided in parties as citizens, we are bound together 
in prosperity and in adversity by hooks stronger than steel ; and 
if it shall develop that the policies of the Democratic party are 
good for Democrats, those temporarily at least in the minority 
will prosper with the majority. Believing as I do that I am 
right in my party preferences, I would be craven and untrue to 
myself and untrue to my whole life if I did not exclaim, with 
Hotspur : 

"Out of this nettle, danger, we pluck the flower safety." 

I had no intention of submitting these remarks. The truth 
is that I grew up on a country circuit in Illinois, a graduate 
of the commonest kind of common schools of over a generation 
ago, and acquired my knowledge of the English language and of 
grammar, like the country violinist learned to play the fiddle, 
by ear; so that I never could sit down and in cold blood put in 
black and white what I desired to say. At the bar, on the 
stump and in all the years of my national service, such inspira- 



io6 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

tion as I have had has come on the spur of the moment, out of 
the conflict. I would speak as it was given to me to speak for 
the interests of the cHent I represented, whether at the bar or in 
the National House of Representatives. Yet, coming over here, 
fearing the chestnut bells might be rung on me, I sat down and 
put about twenty minutes in black and white. I will not read 
much of it to you, yet you will bear with me if I read a little 
while; and then perchance, as I progress, I may exhort a little 
between times. 

I want to congratulate the members of the New Jersey So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania upon the distinction conferred on their 
native State by the Census Office in the statement that New 
Jersey had made a greater percentage of gain, in proportion, in 
the last decade than any other State east of the Mississippi 
River. If we are to count population as wealth. New Jersey has 
made a record to be proud of. There is no evidence of race 
suicide in New Jersey ; and there seems tO' be no evidence that her 
people are following the advice oif Horace Greeley, forty years 
ago, to "Go West." We find Jersey people here and in New 
York, but they seem tO' still belong to the old State and to be 
counted there as part of its population. 

There was a time, many years ago, when the people of New 
Jersey feared that their State might be swallowed by the great 
States of New York and Pennsylvania; and they were disposed 
to go it alone rather than tie New Jersey up with the big States 
unless she could be certain of an equal voice in Federal affairs. 
This fear of absorption or control by the larger States extended 
through the period of the old Federation, and New Jersey went 
into the Constitutional Convention of 1787 kicking and threat- 
ening to never agree except on the principle of the tail wagging 
the dog. They were unalterably opposed to the Virginia plan 
for a National Government and wanted to continue the old Fed- 
eration with some new powers to be given to it. They wanted 
the continuance of the old Congress of a single Chamber, where 
each State should be equally represented by Representatives 
chosen by the State legislatures. They wanted a plural Execu- 
tive elected by the Congress and subject to removal by the same 



Addri:sses, 1 9 10. 107 

body on the request of a majority of the State Governors. As 
the convention progressed and compromises were effected to 
work out a plan on which all could unite, New Jersey made a 
final stand against the Virginia plan for a United States Senate 
elected by the House of Representatives from a number of per- 
sons nominated by the individual legislatures. The present plan 
of a Senate, in which each State has equal representation, with 
Senators elected by the State legislatures, was adopted largely 
because New Jersey would not agree to any other plan and her 
delegates threatened to go; out and oppose the adoption of the 
Constitution if their demands were not complied with. This 
strenuous opposition of New Jersey was predicated upon the ap- 
prehension of the Jersey people that they would lose their au- 
tonomy and be swallowed up by the larger States if popular 
representation became the basis of the Federal Congress. 

Now, it looks to me as though New Jersey was confronted 
by another swallowing process and to become subordinate to, if 
not a part of, twO' great municipalities in two other States. Your 
population has increased to two millions and a half and I find 
that a New York paper claims that one million and a half or 
three-fifths of the total population of New Jersey belongs to 
what is called "Greater New York" or the commuters' territory. 
How much of New Jersey is claimed by Philadelphia I do not 
know, but the question occurs to me. What is left of New Jersey's 
old prejudices and how much is left of her autonomy? With 
three-fifths of her population claimed as the overflow of New 
York and probably another fifth claimed as the overflow from 
Philadelphia, I can find little of New Jersey left, out of commuter 
territory, except Atlantic City, and that claims its population 
from all the world. With these millions of commuters swarming, 
like your mosquitoes from the salt marshes, to New York every 
morning and settling back in New Jersey every evening, it makes 
New Jersey unique as the Commuter State, and with their busi- 
ness affairs in the two great cities it would be only natural for 
them to absorb the political sentiments of those cities and make 
New Jersey ruled by the influences of her two great neighbors. 
Perhaps, however, it is proper for me to say that, sandwiched 



io8 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

as New Jersey is between the two great Commonwealths of 
Pennsylvania and New York, with many of her sons absent from 
home and in the cities of New York and Philadelphia during a 
portion of each day, her boundary line is an imaginary one, but 
for political purposes she still stands a sovereign, forceful State; 
the business of many of her citizens being transacted in those 
cities to the advantage of New York and Pennsylvania. 

New Jersey seems to have laid aside other old prejudices. 
Instead of advocating a plural Executive almost wholly under 
the control of Congress, you now propose to have a single Execu- 
tive who will overshadow the legislature and make that body 
simply a phonograph to express the Governor's will not only in 
legislation but also in the choice of United States Senators. I 
believe, however, that this is called "extra official," and is to be 
done in obedience to the command of an elected political leader. 
Now, it is not my privilege or my purpose to discuss the politics 
of New Jersey or try to give any advice. I am a citizen of 
Illinois, and in what I say about changed conditions in New 
Jersey I am only giving my impressions of historical phenomena. 

Being a little old-fashioned, I have been somewhat confused 
by the interchange of words by scholars in politics. The Inter- 
national Dictionary defines "boss" as "a political dictator," and 
"leader" as "one having authority to direct." We have heard 
a great deal about the political boss in the past, and since the 
election we have heard a great deal more about political leaders. 
The campaigns here in the East were made against political 
bosses, but it looks to me as though the political leaders of the 
present could give the old bosses "cards and spades" and beat 
them at the game. They have a new "leader" up in Massa- 
chusetts, who has issued a proclamation that, as Governor, he 
will refuse to sign the certificate of Senator Lodge, should the 
legislature again elect him, until the Senator submits his cause 
to the people and is approved by a majority of the voters in the 
State. Neither the Constitution of Massachusetts nor that of 
the United States is to be allowed to stand in the way of this 
new leader. I gather that this is so from reading the headlines 
in the metropolitan press. (I put in this reservation because I 



Addre:sses, 1 9 10. 109 

have only read the headlines and am aware that in many in- 
stances the headlines of the metropolitan press give the lie to 
the dispatch that follows.) And yet the Constitution of the 
United States provides that the House and the Senate shall be 
the judges of the election and qualifications of their members. 
And they would not pay any more attention, if a member were 
duly elected, to the certificate or lack of certificate of a Gover- 
nor than they would to the ukase of a simple-minded individual 
supported at the expense of the State in an asylum. 

You have a new leader in New Jersey, who' goes almost as 
far as the other, in a published statement declaring that he will 
oppose to the limit of his power and influence the election of a 
former United States Senator by the legislature ; and that he will 
insist upon acquiescence in a primary verdict, where only one 
man submitted himself and received less than one-fourth of the 
votes of his party, and when nO' member of the legislature is 
pledged to the action of a primary, which is not compulsory but 
merely elective. There are other new leaders in other States, 
who are assuming a directing power that we have not known in 
connection with the old political bosses; and I wonder how long 
it will be before the words "boss" and "leader" will become as 
interchangeable in their general use as they seem to be in their 
real meaning. 

Sometimes, when I read about great leaders, I am reminded 
of the prophecy of Ezekiel when he was commanded to lay 
seige to Jerusalem. When I read that prophecy in the old family 
Bible, many years ago, it read that he was commanded to build 
a fort, to "set the camp against Jerusalem" and "set the chief 
leaders against it, 'round about." But the other day I picked up 
the new version of the Old Testament, and I was surprised to 
read that Ezekiel was commanded to "set battering rams against 
it, 'round about." Here was a change from "chief leaders" to 
"battering rams;" and it seemed to me a rather ridiculous con- 
fusion of terms until I read the Commentaries and found that 
the translators admitted that either term was applicable, because 
in that early day the leaders of the army were decorated with 
rams,' horns to identify them, (making them resemble he-goats), 



no New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

and they also used ranis' horns on their war engines to indicate 
that they were to butt in the walls. With this explanation I had 
to be satisfied ; and in comparing our leaders of to-day with those 
of Biblical times I am not certain whether they are disguised as 
he-goats or are simply machines for butting in. 

Now, in Washington we are more modest and more careful. 
Nobody hears the Hon. Champ Clark proclaiming what he is go- 
ing to do when he becomes Speaker of the House of Represent- 
atives. Mr. Clark, as a member of the House for many years, and 
even as minority leader of the House, was never averse to issuing 
proclamations as to policies that must be put in force to bring 
salvation to the people, but, as he approaches the time when he 
and his party must assume responsibility in that great legislative 
body, he grows more and more silent about his own views, and 
more and more anxious to share responsibility with others. He 
seems to have accepted the advice of "Miss Democracy" (pre- 
sented at the Gridiron Club last Saturday night), who declared 
that the country had had enough of a National Voice and now 
demanded a National Silence. And as I look over the multifari- 
ous declarations of the multitudinous Democratic leaders who 
have risen to take the place of "The Only One," it seems to me 
that Mr. Clark has chosen the part of wisdom in keeping silent; 
for he and his party will have more trouble in forgetting these 
embarrassments than they will have in remembering them. If 
all their leaders were to be gathered together I fear there would 
be a confusion of tongues equal to that at Babel and the tower 
that is to reach the Democratic heaven would never be completed. 

The man in the Speaker's chair is not a "boss" nor even "a 
leader" in the sense that the term is used by some of the new 
leaders ; and I can prove this by Dr. Woodrow Wilson, who, in 
his book on "Congressional Government," says : 

"It is therefore very unfortunate that only feeling or 
enthusiasm can create recognized leadership in our politics. 
There is no office set apart for the great party leader in our 
government. The powers of the Speakership of the House 
of Representatives are too cramped and covert; the priv- 



Addresses, 19 io. hi 

ileges of the chairmanships of the standing committees are 
too limited in scope; the Presidency is too silent and inac- 
tive, too little like a premiership and too much like a sup- 
erintendency. If there be any man to whom a whole party 
or a great national majority looks for guiding counsel, he 
must lead without office." 

The Doctor was then writing about Congressional govern- 
ment and National affairs. He possibly did not make the appli- 
cation to State affairs or deny leadership to a Governor. 

It now looks as though the Democratic majority in the House 
would further minimize the leadership of the Speaker by taking 
from him the power to name the standing committees ; and I am 
sure this will further disappoint Dr. Wilson, in our Congressional 
government, for in his book he points out the fallacy of such 
a program, calling attention to the trial of the plan in the first 
Congress, in 1789, and then adds: 

"No House, however foolish in other respects, has yet 
been foolish enough to make fresh trial of electing its com- 
mittees. That may do well enough for the cool and leisurely 
Senate, but it is not for the hasty and turbulent House." 

Hon. Champ Ceark : Mr. Cannon, what was the date of 
that book? 

Mr. Cannon: It was published in 1885, before the Presi- 
dential queen-bee had been hatched. (Merriment.) 

The Doctor has so well expressed this that I have quoted 
it simply for the benefit of my friend, Mr. Clark, and his party 
associates in Washington. 

But Dr. Wilson advanced some other ideas which, I think, 
would be valuable to our Democratic friends in Congress. He 
endorsed Lowell's remark that we had a tendency to "govern- 
ment by declamation," and said that "talk is not sobered by any 
necessity imposed upon those who utter it to suit their actions to 
their words." 



112 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

He says that parties are homogeneous only in name; he ap- 
proves the caucus as the drilling ground of the party, and he 
insists that "all legislation should distinctly represent the action 
of parties as parties." I commend these quotations from Dr. 
Wilson to you people from New Jersey, also to the people of all 
parties everywhere and especially to the Representatives in Wash- 
ington. Every member of Congress was elected a party man, 
on a platform of political principles. This is a government 
through parties ; and under our present system there is no better 
way, in fact no other way, for the people to fix responsibility 
than by holding the Representatives responsible for legislation 
in harmony with their declarations. As Dr. Wilson puts it : 

"Power and strict accountability for its use are essential 
constituents of good government." 

It is a pleasure to me to quote these statements from a man 
who has been so long a careful student of government, and who, 
through the suffrages of the people of New Jersey, is now about 
to- assume the chief executive office of his State. I hope that 
in this particular he will become a potent factor in the National 
Democratic party and that his teaching will also be effectual with 
members of my party. 

But this new leader in New Jersey has more recently ad- 
vanced another new doctrine and given a new interpretation to 
the Constitution. He finds that it authorizes the Executive to 
"recommend measures." He interprets this tO' mean that the 
Governor may prepare bills as does the British Ministry for 
Parliament and use his influence to have these bills enacted into 
law without amendment by either House or Senate. He would 
do this in his capacity of leader, realizing that the Governor is 
equal to more than one-half of the Legislature with his veto 
power. Why does he not prorogue both parties? What is the 
practical use of the House and Senate? 

Senator Kean : That is the way Diaz does in Mexico. 

Mr. Cannon : But there is a population in Mexico, I will 
say to my friend from New Jersey, that readily resorts to revo- 



Addresses, 19 io. 113 

lutions except when controlled by force. They have the same 
Constitution that we have; the same form of government; the 
same declaration o^f rights; the same co-ordinate branches of 
government; thirty-one State governments with Governors, leg- 
islatures and a judiciary; but these are as the sounding brass 
and the tinkling cymbal. Constitutions and laws are not worth 
the paper they are written upon unless there is a great, honest,, 
sincere public sentiment that will sustain them; and if that sen- 
timent exists, even though there were no' written constitution, 
the gates oif hell could not prevail against such a civilization. 

The New Jersey men in the Constitutional Convention were 
somewhat averse to the veto power. They agreed with old Dr. 
Franklin, who said he had had some experience with this kind 
of check in the Executive upon the Legislature, under the pro- 
prietary government of Pennsylvania. 

"The negative of the Governor," said Franklin, "was con- 
stantly used to extort money. No good law could be passed 
without a private bargain with him. An increase of his salary or 
some donation was always made a condition till at last it became 
the regular practice to have orders in his favor, on the treasury, 
presented along with bills to be signed so that he might actually 
receive the former before he signed the latter." 

Now, I do not make this quotation from Franklin's speech 
to the Constitutional Convention to suggest the possibility of a 
recurrence to the practice in any enlightened State to-day, least o£ 
all in New Jersey with the cultured college president transferred 
to the Executive chair. I only recall it td remind you of some 
of the arguments used to prevent that convention from giving 
the Executive an absolute veto. And New Jersey was one of 
the most strenuous opponents of the veto; which seemed to in- 
dicate that they did not intend to make the Executive supreme 
leader. I would not suggest that Dr. Wilson would use any im- 
proper influence with the legislature to secure the passage of his 
bills ; but in all ages of the world men who believed in the poli- 
cies they advocated also have believed that they were justified 
in employing all power at their command in carrying them for- 



114 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

ward. Some years agO' Frank Stockton wrote a story about 
"The Discourager of Hesitancy," and he had this officer sup- 
plied with a sharp scimiter, which was always presented at the 
throat of any subject who hesitated to obey the king's command. 
There are innumerable ways of discouraging hesitancy, and an 
Executive might feel justified in using some of them in behalf 
Oif bills he had drawn for the legislature but which were not 
contemplated by those who' framed our Constitution. I do not 
believe your Governor-elect will find it as popular to assume full 
responsibility for both administration and legislation as it is to 
talk about it. I am inclined to- think he will again revert to 
that declaration he made years agoi, in his book on "Congressional 
Government," that there is no office carrying with it the oppor- 
tunity of great leadership of the majority, I think the Doctor 
was correct in that statement; and I want to say here that I 
found so many things with which I agreed in Dr. Wilson's writ- 
ings, that I was surprised to find him listed as a Democrat. I 
have regarded him as a follower of Alexander Hamilton in all 
except the policy of protection; and I supposed he inherited his 
opposition to that doctrine from his old home State, Virginia. 
He has pointed out with much clearness the weakness of our 
Congressional government and has portrayed in brilliant colors 
the excellent features of the British Parliamentary system by 
which England has, as he says, real representative government. 
He has done this just as Hamilton did in the Constitutional Con- 
vention, and I am still inclined tO' call Dr. Wilson a Hamiltonian 
Democrat. But, as Hamilton's argument did not sway the con- 
vention in 1787 nor win over the New Jersey men to his plan, 
I fear the Doctor's argument against the present system will not 
swing his party, especially that section of it which dwells in the 
great West, where they are not satisfied with the present modest 
leadership of those placed in positions of responsibility but want 
to make this a pure Democracy rather than a representative gov- 
ernment. 

It seems to^ me that the British plan is more liable tO' change 
than is ours, for there is now a considerable sentiment there 
in favor of abolishing the House of Lords and having the 



Addresses, 19 io. 115 

House of Commons to stand alone as the single legislative cham- 
ber of the Kingdom. And it seems tO' be more difficult tO' fix 
responsibility in party there than here, with twO' subordinate 
parties holding the balance of power between the primary par- 
ties, enabling those minority parties to often dictate to the Min- 
istry the policies tmder which they will agree tO' a coalition. 
This makes the Ministry responsible tO' a minority instead of to 
a majority of the people. It may be that we can have political 
leadership in connection with official life, but I have found that 
co-operation is more in keeping with the spirit of our people ; and 
from my experience I should judge that the man who- becomes 
the king-pin in any governmental machine and has the courage to 
face responsibility will find some of his associates willing to leave 
their share of responsibility with him, whenever there is criticism, 
so that he may have a good part of the load to carry alone. We 
can have and have had responsible parties advocating great poli- 
cies. And the division of the people into two great parties, so that 
the pendulum of responsibility can swing with the dissatisfaction 
of the majority, seems to me the best guarantee of a representa- 
tive government. The majority party must satisfy the majority" 
of the peop-le or go to defeat. 

Dashing leadership which maps out a line and issues a pros- 
pectus in detail may be a good feature in attack, but, when it 
comes to administration and legislation, it is not the leader who 
cracks the whip but the one who patiently watches the moving 
column and inspires courage in the weakest followers whoi meets 
with the best success. There were other leaders who- said what 
must be done to save the Union, but Lincoln kept his eye on the 
armies and his ear attuned to the people's complaints as well as 
to their praises ; and we all agree that it was by such leadership' 
he saved the Union. It is always difficult for the man conscious 
that he is right to compromise, and I have often heard stirring 
sermons on the sin of compromise; but I recall that in the Con- 
stitutional Convention such men as Randolph and Hamilton and 
Madison had to compromise with New Jersey and Delaware to 
keep those States in the Union. As I grow older in years and 
experience I continue to admire the enthusiasm of those who pub- 



ii6 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

lish their plans and exploit their purposes as tO' how and where 
they will lead the people, but I doubt the effectiveness of such 
pronouncements, for the people do not always follow where the 
leaders lead. 

I have already detained you too long, but, with your permis- 
sion, I will say one word in conclusion. I have not sought nor 
desired, before this Society, to make a political speech, but as a 
citizen of the great Republic, in common with you, having at 
heart the best interests of the nation and being mindful of the 
experience and teachings of those who founded and have car- 
ried on the Government, I cannot refrain froni saying that I 
believe the limitations upon the power of the National Govern- 
ment, as set forth in the Constitution, should be observed with 
power retained in the respective States touching all local mat- 
ters. Men may proclaim, from one ocean to the other that there 
are changed conditions and that our fathers did not foresee the 
present complications, but I want to say to you that the great 
instrument, in its grant of power, in its limitations and in its 
provisions for the autonomy of the forty-six States^ — soon to be 
forty-eight — is ample, maintained and supported by a wise pub- 
lic sentiment, to- meet all possible questions that may arise for 
solution. Therefore when the doctrinaire, whether he be in 
Illinois or in New Jersey or in Nebraska or elsewhere, proclaims 
that this great charter made by our fathers and under which we 
have grown and prospered during more than one hundred and 
twenty years is a failure and something to be bartered away by 
declarations upon the stump or by orations in Congress or else- 
where, I have felt, as a citizen old in years and approaching the 
end, that it is not only my privilege but my duty as well tO' regis- 
ter my dissent to such insinuations and statements. 

The President of the United States and the Governors of 
our respective States have their duties well defined. The co- 
ordinate branch of the Government, the legislative, should remain 
ready at all times to assert the power granted tO' it. Improper 
encroachment upon the executive by the legislative and improper 
encroachment, whether in Nation or State, by the executive up- 
on the legislative is to be denounced and resisted. And the 



Addresses, 1910. 117 

Third Estate, the judiciary, is to- perform its duty without fear 
or favor or prejudice. I hold him who would weaken the func- 
tions of the executive on the one hand, the legislative on the 
other, or the judiciary on the other, to^ be an enemy of the Re- 
public and of civilization. Men may come and men may go 
but the Government will go on forever. The Angel o^f Death 
might at this moment touch with his destroying finger every 
legislative, executive and judicial official throughout the length 
and breadth of the great Republic, but the people, observing the 
law, would choose successors equal, if not superior, in ability to 
those who had passed away. All the little politics that men play, 
strutting and fretting their brief hour upon the stage, are not 
serious. 

It may be that in New Jersey 48,000 votes out of a total, as 
I am told, of 200,000, under a permissive primary, should deter- 
mine the election of a Senator. That is for New Jersey to settle. 
Out in Oregon, with an overwhelming Republican legislature 
standing for Republican principles, not under a similar law but 
under a mandatory law so far as a mandate could be given to the 
legislature, the popular vote went for a Democratic candidate for 
the Senate, and to-day he represents a Republican constituency in 
the National Senate. Over in Ohio, where they have a permissive 
primary, somewhat like the permissive primary in New Jersey 
I am told, Senator Dick submitted his name and received about 
150,000 votes as against the 48,000 that were polled by the 
Democratic candidate in New Jersey. There is a Democratic 
legislature in New Jersey and a Democratic legislature in Ohio. 
"Vox populi" — "The voice of the people is the voice of God" — 
according to many politicians. I wonder if the voice of God, 
speaking through 150,000 votes, under a permissive primary law 
in Ohio, for Senator Dick, a Republican, is to be registered in 
the Senator's return to the United States Senate that he may 
be a colleague of a Senator who received less than one-fourth 
of the votes of his party for Senator in New Jersey. God knows 
— I do not. It is said that "God moves in a mysterious way 
his wonders to perform ; He plants His footsteps in the seas and 
rides upon the storm." I think that perhaps, while God fore- 



ii8 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

knew all thing's and stamped universal law upon matter that will 
control it through time and eternity, He may not have taken 
into account what the Populists and the "Sooners" may do^ out 
on the Pacific coast, in Oregon, or in Ohio, or what people of 
the same class may do down in New Jersey. 
I thank you, gentlemen. Good-night ! 

(The manifestations of appreciation which accompanied the 
Speaker's address swelled into a tumult of cheers at its close; 
and President Moon remarked that the demonstration was a 
well deserved tribute to a leader whom defeat could not dis- 
courage nor dismay. He added : "I think no' man doubts that 
"Uncle Joe" Cannon still leads as the champion of a virile Repub- 
licanism.") 

The President presented the next speaker (U. S. Senator 
Heyburn) as one with whom it had been his pleasure to be very 
intimately associated in the last few years, in legislative mat- 
ters — a former citizen of Pennsylvania and well known in Phila- 
delphia as a member of the local bar, who removed to a Western 
State and was returned from it to the United States Senate. 

Senator Heyburn, who was accorded the usual compliment 
O'f applause, responded promptly. He said that earlier in the 
evening he might have detained his hearers with a discussion 
oi public questions, but he feared that this would not now be 
tolerated. He congratulated the Society upon the genial, fra- 
ternal spirit which marked the intercourse of all its members and 
that devotion and fealty to their home State which was conspicu- 
ous in their annual reunions. He continued : 

No sentiment is more firmly rooted in the human breast than 
that of love of the home, of childhood and its environments. 
The longer you are absent from that home and the further you 
are removed from it the more deeply is this sentiment impressed 
upon you. I have seen men meet in the surroundings of frontier 
life, and upon learning they were from the same State, their hands 
would come together in a grip and their eyes suffuse with tears. 



Addresses, 19 io. 119 

even though they had never met before and did not know a 
single person in common. It is this feeHng that makes the 
stranger a welcome guest and friend, and nothing but the break- 
ing down of every presumption of merit or worth on his part 
will impair that feeling. It is one that runs through life; and 
perhaps it is better sometimes to be mistaken and to extend our 
friendship to those unworthy of it than that our generous im- 
pulses should be repressed or ignored entirely. 

I understand that this is an occasion when Jerseymen have 
come across the river to visit their brethren who have established 
themselves in Pennsylvania; and, through your courtesy, we are 
here as your guests. I assure you on my own behalf, and I 
know I speak for my associates, that we appreciate your hos- 
pitality and are glad to share in this coming together of old 
neighbors and friends. If this sentim.ent oi brotherhood is 
strong enough to bring about the co'nditions represented by this 
organization when Jerseymen are separated by only a little silver 
thread of water, with what greater force does it appeal to them 
when they meet after having been absent fromi the homes and 
scenes of their youth for a lifetime? I have been thirty-two 
years on what you call the Pacific coast. I have seen new cities 
and States arise and have watched their growth as they became 
great and prosperous through the bringing together of people of 
all the States and of many of the nations of the earth; and many 
a time I have seen old friends and former neighbors clasp hands 
in fraternal feeling under circumstances such as those which 
bring you here to-night. 

Public duties prevented my acceptance of your invitation to 
the dinner last year, and I want to assure you of my pleasure in 
being with you to-night. I had thought of talking to you upon 
some of the serious questions that are agitating the public, about 
the conservation of the natural resources of our country, about 
a tariff commission and about the political condition that con- 
fronts the American people to-day because of the hysteria of the 
last few months; but at this late hour I cannot hope tO' add any- 
thing to the fund of political knowledge and wisdom with which 
you have been favored by the great Speaker of the House of 



120 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Representatives. You have also listened with profit and pleasure 
to one who is to be the leader in that great House and to pre- 
side over its deliberations. The great questions referred to by 
these distinguished men are to be solved by men who, like you, 
are upon the firing line of the country's activities. If it should 
be my privilege to meet with you again and the issues before the 
people are as ripe as they are to-day, I may be tempted tO' take 
up some oi those questions. I would like to- puncture some oi 
the fallacies and high sounding fads by which it is sought to lead 
the people astray, but I must now be content with simply ex- 
pressing my appreciation of the pleasure of having been with you. 
(Applause.) 

The President announced as the next speaker one of the 
statesmen of New Jersey — Hon. John Kean, of the U. S. Senate. 

Senator Kean^ after the usual complimentary applause, said 
he had attended the dinner of the Society last year and his recol- 
lections of the occasion were so pleasant that he gladly accepted 
the President's kind invitation for this year, but that, after the 
magnificent speech of the distinguished statesman from Illinois, 
he thought it would be superfluous for him to say anything ex- 
cept by way of greeting tO' his fellow Jerseymen. He ex- 
pressed the opinion that Speaker Cannon's interesting and in- 
structive references to- early history had given Jerseymen, Penn- 
sylvanians and all of the people of the country something to think 
of; that they would profit by it, and if they would go- back with 
him to ancient days they would better appreciate the services of 
Jerseymen in the formation of the Government. 

Commenting upon the remarkable percentage of increase of 
population in New Jersey during the past ten years, the Senator 
said that, instead of being the sixteenth, the State now ranked 
as the eleventh on the roll of States. He added that, with a pop- 
ulation of twenty millions of people, the States of New YOrk, 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey exerted a commanding influence 
in the Union, an influence not based upon temporary conditions 
or wild outcries such as originate in the newspapers, but upon 



Addri;sses, 1 9 10. 121 

that sober judgment in matters of public concern and that honest 
faith in free institutions which distinguished the fathers of the 
RepubHc. (Applause.) 

The President : We Jerseymen are proud of the Senators 
from New Jersey and, as citizens of Pennsylvania, equally proud 
of the great Senator from this State — Senator Penrose — upon 
whom the Chair now calls. 

Senator Penrose, who' was received with enthusiasm, made 
a brief response. He said the call upon him was unexpected, and, 
as the hour was late, he would not attempt to inflict a speech 
upon an unwilling audience but would content himself with ex- 
pressing his sincere pleasure in again meeting the members of 
the Society. He explained that Senator Heyburn and himself 
were unable to respond in person when invited to the annual 
dinner last year because, shortly before its date, they were 
obliged to leave Washington on a visit to the Panama Canal, 
one of the most interesting spots, in his opinion, on the face of 
the globe. He said he feared it might be a betrayal of confidence 
if he were to describe the condition of his companion and him- 
self when cruising around Cape Hatteras on a wintry evening 
just one year ago to-night, but he thought their digestion, as his 
hearers could surmise, was not as good then as it was on the 
present occasion. He continued : 

I have listened with profound interest to> the speeches of the 
Speaker of the House and his prospective successor. I am one 
of those who believe in the existence of two parties in a Repub- 
lic; and while as a Republican regretting the landslide which 
we encountered a month ago, I realize that a rehabilitated Dem- 
ocracy is to share in the responsibilities of government, that it 
will be held to a strict accountability, and that therefore Repub- 
lican principles may not continue to be the sole object of crit- 
icism and attack. The Senate, by a small margin, is Republican ; 
and we are waiting anxiously to see the Democratic proposition 
upon the various tariff schedules. Whether they will begin with 
lumber, with Schedule K, or with the products of the farm still 



122 New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

seems to be undetermined. But, gentlemen, the hour is late, and 
my remarks will have one merit in their brevity. Thanking the 
Chairman for his call, I bid you all good-night. 

The President^ in introducing the next speaker, reminded 
the company of the interesting address delivered at the annual 
dinner, last year, by Admiral Sperry, the distinguished com- 
mander, whose unparalleled achievement in piloting the Amer- 
ican fleet around the world had made his name forever famous. 
The Chair added that, the Admiral having expressed much grati- 
fication with his reception last year and declared that the dinner 
was the most enjoyable he had ever attended, the Society had 
again honored itself by inviting him for the present occasion. 

Admiral SpErry responded amid applause. After express- 
ing his surprise in being called upon, he said he had been highly 
honored to-night as a guest of the Society and the representative 
of a great and patriotic department of the Government. He ex- 
plained that after a service of fifty years, he has retired from his 
specialty and was now simply an American citizen. Referring 
to the speeches of the two representatives of the great political 
parties, he said that, as an old servant of the Republic and an 
American citizen who believed that representative government 
would be practically a failure unless there were opposing parties, 
he had been profoundly impressed by the able exposition of polit- 
ical faith by the twO' leaders who, next to his Commander-in- 
Chief, the National Executive, were the most influential and truly 
representative officials in the Government. (Applause.) 

The President^ in calling upon Governor Stokes, said : 
Gentlemen, we have with us to-night a member of our Society, 
one of New Jersey's most distinguished sons, tO' whom this So- 
ciety has listened more than once with pleasure; and I want to 
say before introducing him that he made it a condition of his 
coming here that I should not call upon him to make a speech. 
I assured him that I would not if it was possible for me to- avoid 
it. Conditions have arisen that render me unable to keep that 



Addri;sses, 19 10. 123 

conditional promise, as so many requests for a call upon Gov- 
ernor Stokes have come to me that I am compelled to regard 
them as an irresistible command. 

Ex-Governor Stiokes, always ready and eloquent in an em- 
ergency, made the following humorous and pertinent response : 

Mr. Chairman and Exiles from New Jersey: — I came here 
to-night under an express agreement that I was to listen and not 
to talk. I am not in good form for speech-making; I haven't 
been in good form since the eighth of November, 

The next Speaker of the House of Representatives has said 
that he thought there were fewer Republicans to-day than there 
were on the eighth of November. Far be it from me to contra- 
dict the gentleman from Missouri, but, if I were permitted to 
discuss the result of the recent great political contest in this land, 
I should say that there were just as many Republicans as before 
but that they voted the Democratic ticket. To-night I am re- 
minded of an incident that occurred shortly after the election of 
1884, when that brilliant leader — they were called "leaders" in 
those days, not "bosses," — when that brilliant leader of the 
Republican forces, James G. Blaine, went down to defeat. You 
remember that in that campaign there were a number of dis- 
satisfied Republicans who- refused to support our Presidential 
nominee. That was the beginning of insurgency in this coun- 
try — not the beginning of insurgency in the world, because that 
trouble began when Adam refused to "stand pat" in the Garden 
of Eden and became the insurgent of his day. In 1884 the Re- 
publicans who refused to support the party ticket were called 
"Mugwumps." Shortly after the election, at a dinner given by 
a distinguished Democrat out in Missouri, a gentleman from 
England who was present inquired, "What is the meaning of 
this term 'Mugwump' that I hear used so often?" "Why," 
said his Democratic host, "a Mugwump is an Independent Re- 
publican who votes the Democratic ticket." "Well," the Eng- 
lish visitor next asked, "what dO' you call a Democrat who votes 

the Republican ticket?" "Why," said he, "we call him a d 

fool." 



124 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

The next Speaker of the House has intimated that perhaps 
the result of the last election was a Republican defeat rather 
than a Democratic victory, I don't get any comfort out of that. 
I have a friend who holds that a man is just as dead whether he 
drowns ten feet from the wharf or in mid-stream; and it seems 
to me that we are just as much out it whether it was a Repub- 
lican defeat or a Democratic victory, or vice versa. 

Now, this is a Jersey night ; this is a Jersey crowd — ^Jersey in 
appearance, Jersey in home talent and Jersey in the character 
of our invited guests. We have here speakers from all over the 
land — that distinguished Commoner from the State of Illinois, 
the home of Abraham Lincoln, who typifies the great martyr 
President in his strong, hard common sense and in the great 
abuse he has received in our day, just as Lincoln was abused in 
his — and we have heard from the great State of Missouri that 
has as many people as the entire continent of Australia and, 
since the last census, perhaps more; from one who, from his 
home in that State, traces his ancestry back to the little State of 
New Jersey. We have heard from a Senator from our Common- 
wealth and we have heard from a distinguished Senator from 
Pennsylvania, to^ whose crown is added another laurel in that 
he furnished us Republicans, since the last election, about the 
only city of refuge that is left in the entire land. And now it 
rests with us to say a word for the little Co^mmonwealth across 
the way. Speaker Cannon seems to have appropriated all my 
ammunition so far as this topic is concerned. You know that 
Josh Biillings said, "There iz two things for which man iz never 
prepared, and they iz twins." As a bachelor, I cannot confirm 
the truth of that statement; but if it is true I can add another to 
the two things for which man is never prepared, and that is to 
say anything worthy after listening to the wisdom and eloquence 
we have heard to-night. 

The present Speaker spoke of the population of New Jersey. 
Yes, that is true^ — an increase of thirty-four per cent, in the last 
decade; more, as he said, than that of any State east of the Miss- 
issippi River. No race suicide there, as he suggested. I do not 
know whether the census records it or not, but there are two 



ADDRE;sses, 19 10. 125 

great crops raised in the State of New Jersey: — cranberries and 
babies. Now, as bachelors, Senator Kean and I can raise the 
first crop, but, under the laws of the State, we cannot raise the 
second. Here in Pennsylvania, I understand, the custom is dif- 
ferent. In Jersey there has been a greater increase in popula- 
tion than in any State of the Union except New York, Pennsyl- 
vania, Illinois, Oklahoma and Texas. That is the way this little 
State of New Jersey has grown. All around us I see evidences 
of Jersey genius stimulating the activities of the nation. Why, 
the flash of this light suggests the fact that the first incan- 
descent light was made in New Jersey. The cable that brought 
the news of the exploits of a distinguished citizen of this country, 
an ex-President, abroad, reminds us of the fact that the first suc- 
cessful experiment in telegraphy was made by Morse up at Mor- 
ristown. And when you travel over this country and see the 
flaming furnaces sending up their pillars of fire by night you are 
reminded of the fact that the first malleable iron was made in 
New Jersey. When you watch those great ocean steamers, the 
Leviathans of the deep, that take our products abroad and bring 
home to us those of other climes, you are reminded of the fact 
that they are but the evolution of the invention of John Fitch 
and of the first line of steamers which he established upon the 
Delaware. We are proud of our Navy, and as we watched the 
journey of that fleet, those monsters of iron, which carried the 
American flag around the world and received the salutes of 
almost every nation on the globe, our thoughts went back to 
the day when Stevens, of Hoboken, made the first iron-clad, 
and the presence to-night of our distinguished naval officer. Ad- 
miral Sperry, reminds us of that memorable cruise. Our naval 
history tells us of Lawrence whose "Don't give up the ship" is 
still an inspiration to every American tar; of Bainbridge; of 
Stewart, of old Ironside fame ; and of Commodore Stockton, who 
carried the flag around the Horn and planted it in California 
before Fremont reached there by the overland route. All of these 
heroes were, by birth or residence, Jerseymen. These facts, my 
friends, and these achievements indicate not the decay but the 
virility of the people of New Jersey and of the rest of the coun- 
try, pessimists to the contrary notwithstanding. 



126 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

The present Speaker, I thought, rather sympathized with 
New Jersey because we lie midway between New York and Phila- 
delphia, Well, the virtue of a man is not worth much until it is 
tested. The State of New Jersey would not be worth while un- 
less it had some disadvantages to^ overcome. But notwithstand- 
ing the fact that it lies between these two' great centres of popu- 
lation, see how she rises in her glory. True, as Uncle Joe said, 
we have received the overflow of these great cities; but we know 
how to reform it. And while the commuters come to us from 
New York and from Philadelphia, those who do not come to 
us to live and bring up their families in our moral and religious 
atmosphere come during the summer season to reside, and we 
are able, in spite of the disadvantages of their home life, to re- 
form then and make them good, solid American citizens. And 
that accounts for the rapid growth and the splendid prosperity 
of the Keystone and the Empire States. 

I want to correct one more impression on the part of the 
present Speaker of the House. He said that in time we might 
become a suburb of these great metropolitan cities. I am sur- 
prised that, after the Speaker's instructive and wonderfully his- 
torical address (and I wish it had been delivered to the people of 
New Jersey before the election), he should entertain the opin- 
ion that New Jersey was ever to become a suburb of New York 
or Philadelphia. He referred to Alexander Hamilton. Has he 
forgotten that Alexander Hamilton said that upon the west bank 
of the Hudson would be the site of the greatest city of the world? 
And you and I are going to live to see the fulfillment of that 
prophecy. If you have ever traveled across that State you will 
see the pathway wherein advance and retreat, in victory and de- 
feat, marched the hosts of war in Revolutionary days, and, 
strange to say, that pathway of patriotism, marked with the 
courage of early American citizenship, has become the highway 
of the commerce and trade of this nation; for in New Jersey 
are the termini of all the great trunk lines of the South and West, 
and across her bosom are carried the products of every section 
of the country. If you have traveled over that State, beginning 
with Newark and passing the great meadows outside of Jersey 



Addresse;s, 19 10. 127 

City, you have seen there, as you look down, almost a line of 
encircling cities — Hoboken, Jersey City and Bayonne; Paterson, 
Passaic and Elizabeth, the home of Senator Kean; Newark and 
the Oranges. They are almost touching; and when they join, 
as they will, and when that intermediate centre is redeemed and 
those meadows are filled with industries, warehouses and work- 
shops, as they will be, then Alexander Hamilton's prophecy will 
have been fulfilled, and there will have arisen upon the west 
bank of the Hudson the greatest city of the world, with the great- 
est population in the world ; with the greatest activity, indus- 
trial and commercial; and with the happiest people that ever 
gathered under one flag. Then when Uncle Joe comes to see 
us, as he will (for I think he said he was to live a hundred years), 
he will be able to apologize for his statement of to-night, tO' cor- 
rect it and to say that New York and Philadelphia have become 
suburbs of New Jersey. 

Now, everybody has apologized for the lateness of the hour. 
That is not my fault, but I am going to use an expression which 
some O'f my friends understand if I do not. I am going to call 
time and to propose a toast, the sweetest that was ever uttered, 
the toast of old Rip Van Winkle — and I drink it to you — 
"Here's to yourselves and your families, and may you all live 
long and prosper." 

(The company cheerfully joined in the sentiment by rising 
and honoring the toast with enthusiasm.) 

Mayor Reyburn, whom the Chair introduced as the genial 
Mayor of Philadelphia, responded amid applause. He said that, 
as Chief Magistrate of Philadelphia, he welcomed the visiting 
Jerseymen not only as pleasant neighbors, but as good citizens ; 
that his official experience had given him opportunities to know of 
and to appreciate the admirable qualities of Jerseymen as a class ; 
that they were men of industrious habits, who rarely gave the 
city officials any concern and who possessed the highest attributes 
of citizenship. He declared that enterprise had kept pace with 
patriotism in New Jersey, and that, though separated by a river, 



128 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

the people of Pennsylvania and New Jersey had always been a 
unit in every emergency requiring devotion to the best interests 
of the country and loyalty to the Government. He said this 
had been true from the day when the sons of Pennsylvania, 
abandoning their avocations and their implements of labor, took 
their rifles from the rack and crossed the river to help their Jer- 
sey brethren defend the country from a common enemy. In the 
struggle for independence the men of the two States had stood 
together on the hills within twelve or fourteen miles from where 
the Society now met. There and elsewhere they were joined by 
the men of Virginia and Massachusetts, by the Cavaliers and the 
Roundheads, by men of antagonistic opinions and remote locali- 
ties ; all merging into one homogeneous mass of patriots fighting 
for liberty and the cause of humanity; and their triumphs cul- 
minated in the establishment of the free republic whose priv- 
ileges we now enjoy. The Mayor continued : 

We of Philadelphia sincerely wish that you of New Jersey 
may always be a prosperous, happy and contented people. We 
hail with pleasure the growth and development of your cities and 
of your State. The line that divides us is practically an im- 
aginary one, for we are one in interest and sentiment and are all 
citizens of one nation, the mightiest in the world; a nation to 
which our allegiance is given not by force or compulsion, but 
voluntarily and freely. This is the sentiment of this great city 
in which the nation was born; and we believe that that nation, 
with its safeguards, is strong enough to protect its citizens every- 
where in the enjoyment of life, liberty and the pursuit of hap- 
piness. ( Applause. ) 

The President : Gentlemen, perhaps no more representative 
American assemblage has ever gathered within the portals of the 
Union League building than that which graces these tables to- 
night. Among the distinguished men who have honored us with 
their presence is the Governor-elect of Pennsylvania. He is not 
prepared to make a formal speech because of the pressure of 
public duties, and I assured him that it would not be expected, 
but he has kindly consented to make a few remarks. 



Addressks, 1 9 10. 129 

Governor-elect Tener, who was heartily applauded, re- 
sponded. He said that if it had been his purpose to make any 
extended remarks the eloquence and wisdom of the speeches to 
which he had listened, as well as the lateness of the hour, would 
have discouraged him from attempting it, and therefore he would 
content himself with a simple expression of his pleasure in meet- 
ing the company on the present occasion. He explained that he 
thought himself entitled to claim some measure of kinship with 
Jerseymen because in his very early youth he first set foot on 
American soil in the State of New Jersey. He commended the 
spirit and motive which actuated Jerseymen on occasions like 
the present and suggested that their organization and annual re- 
tmions were well calculated to stimulate that feeling of State 
pride which was the best guarantee of good citizenship, and he 
hoped that their example would be followed by other State or- 
ganizations. He said it was customary to hear Americans boast 
of the superiority of the sections from which they came, of 
salubrity of climate, majestic grandeur of mountains, fertility 
of soil, magnitude of crops and other natural advantages; and 
he was willing to concede the justice of their claims. As a Penn- 
sylvanian, he said he was proud of the pre-eminence of the Key- 
stone State, not only in material wealth and prosperity, but be- 
cause of her model State government, wise and salutary laws and 
efficient administration of her affairs. 

In conclusion he remarked that the invitation from the So- 
ciety was the first of the kind which he had accepted since his 
election, though many had been tendered to him ; and he regretted 
that, being unaccustomed to speech-making on occasions like the 
present, his response was necessarily brief and possibly only such 
as was expected from one who was known as "the long fellow 
with the short speech." He expressed his thanks for the privilege 
of being a guest of the Society and retired amid applause. 

The President : Gentlemen, we have enjoyed an excellent 
dinner and had a delightful time. The hour for adjournment 
has now arrived, and with that comes the limitation of my period 
of service as your President. In a word, I thank you sincerely 

9 



130 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

and fervently for the great honor you conferred upon me; and 
in pursuance of custom at the close of the dinner, I now deliver 
the gavel to my successor, my colleague in Congress and your 
friend, Hon. J. Hampton Moore. 

PrEsident-eeEct Moore, who was enthusiastically greeted, 
promptly assumed the duties of the Chair and said : 

Fellow Members : — The patriotic and generous impulses 
which induced the formation of our organization have found ex- 
pression in four remarkably successful annual dinners, and each 
has added fresh laurels to the fame of the Society and valuable 
contributions to its literature. 

Our first dinner, held under the auspices of the esteemed 
City Treasurer of Philadelphia, Mr. Murrell Dobbins, was at- 
tended by distinguished men claiming a New Jersey nativity and 
coming from various sections of the country. Then Mr. Howard 
B. French succeeded to the Presidency, whose administration 
was marked by such progressive steps that we had reason to be- 
lieve we had reached the very acme of excellence as a social and 
public-spirited organization; and next came Mr. Richard Cam- 
pion, an energetic, vigorous President, whose efficient work for 
the Society received our highest commendation. The three fes- 
tivals which made the administrations of these Presidents notable 
are doubtless treasured in the memories of all the participants; 
but I think you will agree with me that in historic interest, if not 
in other respects, the present dinner is entitled to precedence. 
The ensemble is brilliant ; our distinguished guests are eminently 
satisfactory to us as Jerseymen ; and the Society is exceptionally 
honored by the presence at this board of two great national 
leaders — the prospective Speaker and the present Speaker of 
the House of Representatives — whose position in connection with 
legislation for the ninety-odd millions of people of this country 
is only second in dignity and influence tO' that of the President 
of the United States. If the appearance here of these two 
eminent men has contributed to the success of this dinner and 
this splendid outpouring of the members of the Society, let it 
be understood that the credit therefor is due entirely to the 



Addresses, 19 io. 131 

earnest and persistent solicitations of your retiring President, 
the distinguished Chairman of the Committee in Congress on 
the Revision of the Laws, Hon. Reuben O. Moon. Both Con- 
gressman Clark, who has long been a conspicuous figure in 
national affairs, and the Speaker of the House, whose brilliant 
record has commended him to the country, have told you that 
they came here solely because of the persuasive appeals of your 
retiring President. Speaker Cannon was reluctant to visit us 
a second time in two years, but yielded to Mr. Moon's per- 
suasion, and has delivered here a speech that will be notable in 
the political annals of New Jersey. 

Though it may trespass upon your time, I desire on this 
occasion to express my appreciation of the kindly consideration 
shown me by tlfese two great men in my own Congressional ser- 
vice. I owe much to the Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives. Ordinarily a new member of that great body receives 
scant attention and exerts little influence, but upon my very en- 
trance into the House there was a kindliness in the Speaker's 
manner that gave me encouragement and enabled me, in my feeble 
way, to voice the sentiments of the people whom I was sent 
there to represent. I have also the most pleasant recollections 
of the gentleman who is the prospective head of that body. I 
have traveled extensively through the South as well as the North 
and know something of current public sentiment concerning 
public men. In a slight degree, I believe, an erroneous notion 
prevails with regard to Champ Clark. He is sometimes repre- 
sented as a fire-eater and an extremist. Personal observation 
and contact have satisfied me that this estimate of him is wholly 
unwarranted. He has the warmth and considerateness of a Jer- 
seyman. Witness the testimony of a new member, who, trembling 
with stage fright after his first speech in Congress, is greeted 
by this supposedly implacable leader of the Democratic party 
with words of good cheer and the assurance that similar efforts 
would make him a useful legislator. Witness again, in the great 
tariff discussion a year ago, when combatting the Republican 
majorities, this veteran, upon better acquaintance, said to the same 
new member, now grown old enough to interrogate him on the 



132 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

floor, "Go back and take your seat — study the tariff question, 
and some day you will understand it." (Merriment.) What 
more frank and generous than that? 

The prospective Speaker of the House has suggested the 
query whether there is not more pleasure in the pursuit than in 
the possession of the important office of Speaker; and perhaps 
no one more keenly appreciates the force of that suggestion than 
the retiring Speaker; for I can understand what a relief it will 
be to him to get back on the floor again and to be rid of the 
burdens imposed upon him through the introduction of more 
than thirty thousand bills in a single session and the innumerable 
conflicts arising therefrom. It will be an additional consolation 
to him, I am sure, that no longer will he be a target for unfair 
criticism and unmerited abuse. I am reminded of a remark 
by a former Governor of Pennsylvania, at a dinner in this city 
not long ago. The then Governor, whose tenure of office was 
about expiring, had been the victim of many assaults and had 
been pilloried and ridiculed in cartoons, without mercy. The 
former Governor, who had been subjected to even greater abuse, 
was called upon to tell what he thought of the caricatures that 
maligned a man who had been doing his best in a public office. 
Old Governor Stone expressed his sympathy for Governor Pen- 
nypacker, the outgoing official, and said, as I have nO' doubt the 
retiring Speaker of the House is disposed to say tO' his successor, 
Mr. Clark, that so long as he was the victim he realized the 
gross injustice, the cruelty and the bitterness of the attacks, but 
when the other fellow was in the saddle the cartoons seemed 
awfully funny to him. (Laughter.) 

Gentlemen, it is after midnight and we are about to retire. 
Early in the Civil War, when Grant was dusting muskets in an 
armory in Illinois, Governor Yates was looking for a Colonel. 
He found him in Grant, whose training proved the one thing 
needful. When the time came for the regiment to m.ove for- 
ward there were ceremonies appropriate to the occasion, and long, 
patriotic addresses were delivered. A great speech was expected 
from Grant and he was brought forward with much eclat. He 
was not a speech-maker but a soldier. To the surprise of every- 





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Addresses, 19 io. 133 

body, and especially to the men of the regiment, he ordered the 
latter to disperse and report in the morning. I shall not be so 
abrupt as Grant appeared to be, but I ought at this late hour to 
be equally considerate. My tribute to your retiring President 
has been paid; he has been energetic, eloquent and successful. 
To you who have honored me by placing me in his stead, at the 
head of this Society, I return my thanks. My friends, we will 
now adjourn. 

(The festivities here ended and the company dispersed.) 



ADDRESSES 

The Fifth Annual Banquet of the New Jersey Society of Penn- 
sylvania was held at The Union League, Philadelphia, on the 
evening of Monday, the eighteenth of December, 191 1. The oc- 
casion was the One Hundred and Twenty-fourth Anniversary of 
the ratification of the Constitution of the United States by New 
Jersey. 

Jerseymen, prominent in business, professional and social 
circles, and guests of national reputation were conspicuous in the 
spacious new banquet hall, which was brilliant with electric lights, 
floral and other decorations. A network of towering palms, ferns 
and potted plants surrounded the tables upon which were clusters 
of tea roses, carnations and sweet peas with a row of watermelons 
on each table as mementoes of a favorite Jersey crop. Numerous 
State flags of Jersey and Pennsylvania on miniature flagstaffs, 
surmounted by the Stars and Stripes, adorned the walls, and above 
the center of the main table shone in electric lights the letters N. 

J. P. 

Valuable contributions to the literature of the Society were 
made in impromptu responses to the call of the Chair. 

Hon. J. Hampton Moore, the President of the Society, intro- 
duced the speechmaking amid applause. He said : 

Gentlemen of the Society: Many years ago the States of 
Virginia and Maryland undertook, by convention, to settle certain 
questions that had arisen with regard to commerce and naviga- 
tion. They conferred originally, I think it was in 1784, with the 
view of fixing the boundary line between the two States and open- 
ing up the great waterway of the Potomac in order that the 
Federal city that Washington had founded might become a great 
port of entry. That conference resulted in a larger one that was 
held in the City of Annapolis in 1786, at which all of the thirteen 
original States were represented by delegates. The purpose of that 

(134) 



Addresses, 191 i. 135 

convention was to improve the commercial relations of the States 
with a view to greater facilities in their domestic and foreign 
commercial intercourse. The State of New Jersey sent delegates 
to the Annapolis Convention, and they went there with larger and 
broader instructions than most of the States imposed upon their 
representatives. They went not alone to confer with regard to 
commerce and navigation, but to consider the exigencies of the 
Union and to stand for a Union which many in that day doubted 
could be conducted successfully under the old Articles of Con- 
federation. New Jersey had a fixed purpose in this. She was a 
small commonwealth sandwiched between New York and Penn- 
sylvania, between the two great cities of New York and Philadel- 
phia, and she did not propose to be wiped off the map. Even in 
those early days the prescience of the native Jerseyman (who' to- 
day regards himself as the equal of every other of his fellow 
countrymen, if not a little better than the most of them) man- 
ifested itself. And so well did he present his view in the An- 
napolis Convention that Jersey, along with the smaller States, 
obtained a larger Convention, which was held in the City of Phila- 
delphia in the succeeding year. That Convention framed the Con- 
stitution of the United States. Men of the present day, and of 
course the younger generation, have no' conception of the terrific 
verbal battles that were fought between the great men of that 
time. There were differences of opinion that threatened to dis- 
rupt the Convention, that even portended disunion and menaced 
not only the safety of the Confederation of States, but all that 
harmony of interest for which the great men of the country and 
of the time had earnestly hoped. The danger was averted by 
compromise, and out of that Convention came a Constitution in 
which every State was treated with equal and exact justice, (the 
smaller States receiving like treatment with the larger States) 
and in which those things for which New Jersey and the smaller 
States had contended were conceded. On the i8th of December, 
1787, this very day one hundred and twenty-four years ago, a 
convention of the people of New Jersey, called by the Legislature 
of the State, ratified the Federal Constitution as it had been agreed 
upon in Philadelphia, and New Jersey became a part of the great 



136 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Union, which has since grown to such immense proportions and 
has now a population of more than ninety-two millions of people. 
Wonderful have been the strides of all the States during these 
years; surprising has been the progress of the great Keystone 
State; but while the area of Pennsylvania largely exceeds that 
of New Jersey it is questionable whether that State or any other 
of the States, by comparison and in proportion, has had more 
marvelous growth and development than New Jersey. The Jer- 
sey boundary line is the same to-day as it was when the State 
became a part of the Union ; her area is but eighty-two hundred 
and odd square miles, only a tithe of the nearly three million 
square miles of the United States proper ; and yet such has been 
her steady progress that her population, which, when the first 
census was taken in 1790, was 184,000 in a total of 4,000,000, 
is now about 2,500,000, or only a million and a half less than 
the entire population of all the States when the Constitution was 
adopted. She is to-day the fifth in population of the States on 
the Atlantic seaboard, being exceeded only by Massachusetts, 
New York, Pennsylvania and Georgia. 

New Jersey has always been conspicuous for the industry of 
her people as well as for their intelligence and patriotism. While 
the martial exploits of her sons and their valor upon the battle- 
fields of the country, the qualities of statesmanship they have 
displayed and their great ability in the forum and at the bar, have 
added laurels to her crown, she has earned equal distinction by 
her manufactures. A small State one hundred and twenty-four 
years ago, struggling for equal rights with the greater States in 
the Union that was to be formed, she now ranks in the product of 
her manufactures as substantially fourth of the fifteen States of 
the Atlantic seaboard from Maine to Florida, being exceeded only 
by Massachusetts, New York and Pennsylvania. Her location be- 
tween the two great centers of population. New York and Phila- 
delphia, gives her facilities for marketing her products ; but let it 
not be assumed that she is merely an industrial State, for New 
Jersey is also strong in agriculture. We have been accustomed 
to speak jocularly of her sweet potato hills and her Jenny Lind 
cantaloupes as well as of her mosquitoes, but we have to-night a 



Addri;sses, 191 1. 137 

practical demonstration of the value of one of her crops in the 
watermelons upon these tables, which have been preserved until 
this winter day. In her potato crop alone she is prominent, be- 
ing behind only Maine, New York and Pennsylvania. [After a 
pause] : The Governor of Virginia, who sits upon my left and 
who perhaps is one of the most pronounced agriculturists in the 
United States, suggests that my statement is hardly fair to Vir- 
ginia; but if we concede precedence to the Virginia potato crop, 
then there are but four of these Eastern States that exceed New 
Jersey in agriculture. 

These elements of manufacture and agriculture are the wealth 
producing factors of our country; and it is something of which 
native Jerseymen and also those who have passed out from her 
borders may be proud, that, so far as the census of the States 
proves, (and I do not know that any one will question this state- 
ment,) there are but three States along the Atlantic seaboard that 
exceed New Jersey in wealth production — the old Bay State, the 
Empire State and the Keystone State. Strong in manufactures 
and agriculture, foremost in producing wealth that helps to sus- 
tain the armies and the navies of the United States, New Jersey, 
like her great sister commonwealth, the Keystone State, is this 
year absolutely free from public debt. (Applause.) 

I leave with you the few facts I have cited in this, my "swan" 
song, as your Presiding Officer, that you may make use of them 
when your native State is criticized and say, "We are proud of 
our progress in the factory and on the farm, and we point with 
pride to what Jerseymen have done." 

But you did not come to hear your Chairman extol the virtues 
of the old seaside commonwealth. Our guests from other sections, 
who are abler men, will speak eloquently of their States, and I 
will not detain you longer. At our last banquet we had one of 
the great men of the nation who, being called upon at the heel- 
taps of the evening, was not privileged to say what he wanted to 
say and what you wanted to hear ; and, feeling that a wrong had 
been done not only to him but to ourselves, we made a special 
mission this year and succeeded in obtaining his acceptance for a 
return visit, and he is again with us to-night. He is too well 



138 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

known and appreciated to need any formal introduction, but I 
may say he is close to being a Jerseyman, having been born almost 
within sight of the State, having been reared in the Brandywine 
Valley, and having come of historic lineage, in the vicinity of the 
Delaware. He located in Delaware County, near to that river 
but for which there never would have been a dividing line be- 
tween the two States of New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Oppor- 
tunity carried him from Delaware County to the extreme West, 
and when he returned to the East it was to do yeoman service 
as a representative of the people of the great State of Idaho, in 
the Senate of the United States. I present the Hon. Weldon B. 
Heyburn. (Applause.) 



Senator Heyburn was cordially greeted and his interesting ad- 
dress heartily applauded. He said : 

Mr. President — Gentlemen, your Chairman has been so gen- 
erous in his promises on my behalf and has told you so' much 
about me as to relieve me of the necessity of saying anything 
about myself. 

Mr. President, there was a time when there was little differ- 
ence between New Jersey and Pennsylvania. They were founded 
by the same wise man, William Perm, whose statue on the City 
Hall stands guard over both States. I have forgotten whether 
you faced him towards New Jersey or not. 

Mr. Richard Campion : We did. 

Senator Heyburn : Then he is properly faced. William 
Penn was Proprietor and Governor of New Jersey for five years 
before he received the grant of Pennsylvania from King James. 
He was Governor of West Jersey from 1676 to 1682, in which 
latter year he came to Pennsylvania to take possession of his 
grant. He made the first laws for East and West Jersey and 
for Pennsylvania, and may truly be said to be the founder of 
the laws of both States. He paid about 1,800 pounds for his 
interest in Jersey and considered it a fairly good bargain. His 
grant of Pennsylvania cost him and his father about 16,000 



>c 




OLD GLOUCESTER COURT HOUSE. 



Addresses, 191 i. 139 

pounds; and that was one hundred years before the day the an- 
niversary of which we are celebrating. We, therefore, have a 
common ancestry in Governor William Penn, than whom no 
better or greater man has lived. When two years ago I stood 
beside that lonely grave at Old Jordaens, in England, marked by 
a plain mound and a little headstone on which the name "William 
Penn" was written, and surrounding it the graves of the members 
of his family, I felt that the ground was sacred to the American 
people. 

We cannot discuss the foundation of New Jersey or Penn- 
sylvania without considering the character of this great man. He 
wrote the laws of both States ; and the principles of government 
and the dealings with each other which he gave us in those docu- 
ments have remained the foundation and basis of the govern- 
ments of both States since that time. He had not personally 
visited New Jersey when he first sailed up the broad Delaware 
River lying between the two Provinces. He elected to land on 
this side of the river and selected his actual place of activity and 
residence in Pennsylvania. He was the first Governor of Penn- 
sylvania under the Charter, but there had previously been eighteen 
Governors appointed over the people living within the grant which 
he received. 

We take pride in these commonwealths, and it is especially 
fitting that their sons should gather as one brotherhood in remem- 
brance of the foundation of the Government that has given them 
home, happiness and opportunity. A Government that secures to 
its citizens the best opportunity in the field of endeavor among 
men is the highest type and best character of Government. Being 
given an opportunity then, as we say in our Western country, "it 
is up to you to make good." 

Grave questions present themselves to us every day in regard 
to this heritage of opportunity. The first question is, "What will 
we do with it?" If neglected it will pass away. If you would 
share in the results of Government you must participate in the 
labor of maintaining it. It has been said and oft repeated that 
"Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." "Liberty," used in 
that sense, means freedom from control in which we do not par- 



140 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

ticipate. Stability of purpose in the man having freedom and 
opportunity is the foundation of good citizenship and stands for 
a well-rounded and successful individual career; and the same 
rule of stability that applies to the individual applies to the com- 
munity of individuals. We first lay the foundation of Govern- 
ment based upon the principle that "every man may pursue his 
true and substantial happiness." Our fathers laid the foundation 
of this Government upon that basis and so framed it that it com- 
prehended the then present necessities of the people and wisely 
contemplated those that would arise in the future. The dominant 
principle governing their action was stability in the organic law. 
It was not intended to make change in that law easy of accomplish- 
ment. 

One of the serious evils of this day and hour is the inclination 
of certain people to cry "Change, Change, Change!" With such 
people the rule is that "Whatever is, is wrong." They seem to 
think that they have nothing to hope for in the contest among 
men, that they are not equipped to win in an open and fair con- 
test under existing and tried conditions. They think that their 
only hope is in the wreck of existing conditions. If they can dis- 
turb them they hope, in the confusion that may follow, to gather 
something that they would never gather in an ordinary and equal 
contest between men under a conservative Government. They 
generally commence by assuming special virtues to themselves 
and their purpose and by flourishing false devices upon their ban- 
ners. They arrogate to themselves the name of "Reformers" and 
"Progressives." "Reform!" They mean by it only C/zan^^. Their 
"reform" reminds me of a couplet that I remember hearing sung 
by the negroes back in slavery days, when I was a boy : 

"And they tore the market down for to beautify the town 
And make it look like the happy land of Canaan." 

That is the sentiment of these men who call themselves "Re- 
formers." They are a menace to the stability of Government be- 
cause they are always trying selfishly to change that which is and 
to divert the stream of advantage in their own direction. Did 
you ever hear of one of this class of "Reformers" who was try- 
ing to send the blessings of life to somebody else? 



Addresses, 191 i. 141 

Not only must we have stability in the organic principles 
of Government as represented by the Constitution, but we must 
have stability in the statutory laws which supplement the organic 
law. By this I mean that when a law is enacted it shall remain 
as a law so long as it meets the requirements of orderly and con- 
servative citizenship and until it is changed by deliberate and 
orderly process of legislation. The stability of legislation will de- 
pend largely upon the character of the men whom you send to 
your legislative bodies to make the laws. They must be selected 
men, chosen because of their special fitness to perform such service 
on behalf of all the people. It does not follow that those who 
selected them would be capable of performing such duties them- 
selves. They must rely upon the reputation and character of those 
whom they select, based upon their standing in the community 
from which they are sent. The spirit of legislation finds orderly 
lodgment in the minds only of those who are prepared by educa- 
tion to gather up the seeds of wisdom and arrange them in orderly 
and concrete form. Such work cannot be well and safely per- 
formed by all the people or by any considerable number of them, 
but the people can safely be entrusted to select such men as are 
capable of so serving them in a representative government. The 
employer of skilled artisans often cannot himself perform their 
work, but he can select men who can do it. I repeat, the stability 
of legislation will depend largely upon the character of men whom 
you select to enact your laws. 

The "Initiative" principle — the invention which proposes that 
the untrained and illy equipped citizen, even though he be of a 
high average character, shall, in the midst of his industrial occupa- 
tion and absorption in his personal affairs, undertake to prepare 
and propose legislation to be demanded of the selected representa- 
tives who have been chosen because of their special fitness and 
equipment to propose and make laws — usually finds its origin with 
the demagogue who, unable to convince the people that he is 
qualified to be their chosen representative, would by indirection 
force himself upon the notice of the people as being especially 
qualified to represent them. Legislators, instead of being free to 
give intelligent thought and consideration to the question as to 



142 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

whether or not there exists any necessity for legislation or tO' the 
form which legislation shall take, are to be divested of their right 
and opportunity to so employ their intelligence in the perform- 
ance of this duty by the pestering insistence on the part of un- 
organized citizens, without any responsible head, clamoring, as 
a rule, for selfish legislation, generally in the interest of the 
clamorer. It is only the demagogue who preaches the doctrine 
that the people of this country are all alike equipped for the 
making and execution of our laws. It is always open to the 
people to communicate their views to the members of the legisla- 
ture for their consideration and action, and it is eminently proper 
that their right to do so should be respected and given full con- 
sideration, but the "Initiative" does not propose to stop with the 
suggestion or even insistence, on the part of the citizens, of their 
being represented, but it does propose to direct and control the 
representatives upon whom has been placed the responsibility of 
action. 

The "Initiative" is the handy tool of corrupt ambition and is 
the instrument by which plausible men with personal ends to 
serve would induce those who have made a scant study of public 
questions to support them in their endeavors for self-aggrandize- 
ment. The people have the right to participate in their Govern- 
ment — that we will not question for a moment — but they have not 
the right to destroy Government or tO' weaken it or to divert it 
from the great purpose for which it was organized. Too often 
we are reminded by these "Reformers" of the right of the people 
to control their "servants." The term is an unctuous self-abase- 
ment indulged in by the over-anxious office seeker and not ap- 
propriate to the accredited representative of the people. Law, 
being enacted by the people's representatives so selected, should 
stand as the expression and embodiment of representative govern- 
ment and should not be referred back to the people for reconsider- 
ation. Such process is equivalent to an expression of a want of 
confidence on the part of the people in their chosen represen- 
tatives. If such a condition as that exists the remedy lies in the 
more careful selection of representatives. 



Addresses, 191 i, 143 

The "Referendum" is also an invention of the demagogue. It 
is presented in sophistical phrase by those who thus seek to avoid 
or evade the law and sap the strength and stability of the Govern- 
ment, and tends to keep the people always wrought up by con- 
troversy and uncertain as to where the needle will settle. The 
"Recall" is another of the recently invented political vices, that 
seeks to give to the people the power to recall those whom they 
have selected by the established processes of government. The 
demand for the Recall generally arises out of the discontent of 
those with personal or selfish purposes to serve. They would "re- 
call" a judge because his decision was adverse to them or to the 
class to which they belong. They would "recall" a legislator be- 
cause he did not represent their personal views as to what he 
should do. They would "recall" the executive officers elected to 
carry the laws into effect because forsooth they declined, in the 
execution of the laws, to shield the law-breaker from the penalty 
of his disobedience, or to wreak vengeance upon some enemy of 
theirs. The certainty of tenure of office is of the utmost import- 
ance. No man who is worthy to hold a public office would accept 
one the tenure of which would be at the mercy of the "recall" or 
of the agitation incident to the attempt to terminate his tenure of 
office because he did not make his judgment conform to that of 
those without responsibility, or subservient to the ignorance, the 
prejudice or the gain of others. 

The underlying principle of representative government is that 
the great body of its citizenship may be as free as possible from 
the direct cares of government, free to engage in personal affairs 
and in the industrial life that surrounds them. No man should 
make a business of government except the men who are selected 
for that purpose, and such men should make it their sole and 
only business. They are elected to act as the agents of the people, 
to perform the duties of government on behalf of the people, in 
making and executing laws sufficient to protect all the people in 
the exercise of their citizenship and the rights which belong to it. 
The tenure of office of those so selected should be of such reason- 
able length as to enable the people to make changes with reason- 
able promptness and at stated times in the interest of the stability 
of government. 



144 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Now, gentlemen, these principles of government are not new. 
They have been sounded up and down this country from the day 
of its foundation, and will be appropriate reminders so long as the 
people would maintain a stable government. New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania stand side by side as examiples of stability in gov- 
ernment and in law. 

The demand that we hear for the adoption of a different form 
of government, based upon a different principle, in which it is as- 
serted that every citizen shall all the time participate in every act 
of government, is reckless and dangerous. That would be to sub- 
stitute what has been classed as a pure democracy for the repre- 
sentative form of government adopted by our fathers and which 
has worked out the safety and the salvation of the Government 
and the prosperity of the people. They would have you return to 
the old system similar to that of the town meeting of New Eng- 
land, when the people went upon the campus and participated by 
voice and vote in the performance of the functions of government. 
It is needless to say that such a proceeding would be utterly in- 
appropriate and impracticable under the conditions that exist to- 
day with a people so numerous and so widely scattered. 

I have lived in communities where there was no real legislative 
government because of the isolation of the frontier. I have seen 
communities in the mountains, in search of treasure, where there 
was no officer available who was authorized to execute any law 
and no person authorized to make any law to meet the emergen- 
cies of the situation; but I have seen those stalwart men come 
together in open meeting, in the miners' camp or on the gravel 
banks or under the shade of the trees, according to the season 
and without much ceremony nominate some member present as 
presiding officer ; and in a brief space of time a government was 
agreed upon and the machinery for making and carrying into 
effect laws was in full force and operation. And those govern- 
ments were good governments. The natural inclination of the 
American citizen is to have fixed, stable laws and to^ obey them 
and to enforce them. Any Government must depend for its suc- 
cess upon the enforcement of its laws. If the officers entrusted 
with this duty are to be subject to the resentment of the disap- 



Addresses, 191 i. 145 

pointed or the dissatisfied, whether it is be the law of the miners' 
meeting, of the State or of the Nation, there can be no stability of 
government. 

I have some hesitation in entering upon the discussion of pol- 
itical questions upon an occasion of this kind. I have sought to 
avoid partisan politics, but it seems to me that we may very prop- 
erly enter upon party questions ; that is to say, principles of gov- 
ernment for which great political parties stand. The people are 
entitled, as against other nations, to protection of life, liberty and 
property. The people of other nations or countries are not en- 
entitled to the same or to equal rights in the business world, in 
our country, as are our own people. They are not entitled to 
compete on equal terms with our people in our markets. They 
contribute nothing to the support of our Government. They owe 
it no allegiance. In time of international war they are not only 
not available for the defence of our country but are very apt to 
be on the other side against us. This is true, regardless of 
whether such other nation is our neighbor or in the remote parts 
of the earth. Our Government belongs to our people who dwell 
within it, owe it allegiance and contribute to its support and de- 
fence. They are consequently entitled to a sure preference in the 
enjoyment of opportunities and rewards as against the people of 
any and all other nations who do not dwell within our borders. 
Just as the duty of every member of a family is first to his own 
household, so is the first duty of a Government to its people who 
sustain it. 

The wealth of all the people is to be considered as a unit in de- 
termining the business relations between our nation and other 
nations. We, as a people, gain no added wealth by what we con- 
sume at home. Our increased wealth as a people is due solely to 
the surplus products which we sell abroad. If we open our mar- 
kets to the foreign producer of any commodity which we can pro- 
duce in our own country we compel so much of our product as is 
represented by the foreign product to seek a new market, which 
it may or may not find. The injury lies in the displacement of 
our product in our market by the introduction of the foreign 
product. A true rule is that when we strike our balance as a nation 

10 



146 Ntw Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

dealing with the outside world, at the end of any year, if the peo- 
ple have bought more than they have sold they are poorer to the 
extent of the difference; if they have sold more than they have 
bought abroad then they have increased their riches tO' the extent 
of the difference. This question, under the system known as the 
protective tariff system, has been controlled by the levying of du- 
ties upon foreign products brought into this country that would 
compel the importer tO' pay such tolls in the way of duty that he 
would not be able to undersell our producers in our markets. 
That is the true rule of a protective tariff that protects. A tariff* 
that does not give the American producer a sure advantage in our 
markets as against a foreign producer is not a protective tariff. 
It may be one for revenue, but it does not benefit the American 
producers of commodities, whether raw material or finished 
product. The result of insufficient protection of the American 
producer against the foreign producer is that the American pro- 
ducer must either reduce his scale or standard of living to that 
of the foreigner or he must reduce the cost of the article through 
the reduction of wages and lesser profit, the result of which is in- 
variably a decreased producing power by the American producer 
with a corresponding reduction in the profits of manufacturers 
or of those engaged in making available the products of our coun- 
try. These reductions tend to^ make us a cheap nation, to place 
our people on a lower standard of living. This affects the citi- 
zenship in its ability to conduct and maintain educational insti- 
tutions, in its ability to maintain a condition of social life to 
which the American people have arisen. It tends to discourage 
men from entering business enterprises in which the profits are 
either small or uncertain. It tends to discourage our citizens 
from doing more than merely to provide for the necessities of 
their own households. It tends to decrease the production of our 
people to the extent that they would be deprived of their usual 
and ordinary means of enjoying life and compelled to forego 
them or go into a foreign market to purchase the necessities of 
life — not because our country could not produce them, but be- 
cause we had opened our markets to the competition with pro- 
ducers of other nations who could produce them for less than we 



Addrksses, 191 1. 147 

could and undersell us in our own markets because of the cheaper 
conditions of the producers in other countries. When we buy 
abroad we must send the money abroad to pay for the purchase. 
I might follow this idea out further, but I think that appreciation 
of these general, well established principles of international trade 
and home markets will tend to bring us in accord in reaching the 
wise conclusion that the American market must belong to the 
American people; for we are all producers and consumers alike, 
differing only in commodity. The protection of our home mar- 
kets for our producer and the production of a surplus which we 
can sell abroad is the law and gospel of prosperity. 

We have rolled along for several years with a balance of trade 
in our favor of from three hundred to six hundred million dollars. 
We sold that much more than we had bought. If we adopt the 
policy of free trade or such reduction of duties as will open our 
markets on equal terms to the producers of other countries, we 
will not only have no balance of trade in our favor but will have 
such a continuous drain upon our wealth and resources as will 
stagger the American people. I rejoice in the defeat of the pro- 
posed Canadian trade compact, which was misnamed "Recipro- 
city." It was free trade that proposed tOi allow Canada to invade 
our markets in competition with our producers of commodity. 
The first duty of our Government is to its people and is similar to 
that of a parent or head of a household. It must first protect its 
members and see that they not only have an even chance with the 
rest of the world, but that they have an advantage over any other 
people. No man with a proper appreciation of his duties as head 
of a household throws open his doors for the accommodation of 
strangers alike with his family. He says, "My family shall eat 
at the first table, and if there is anything left for the outside world 
they may have the surplus." That is Government. Some people 
call that politics, but it is Government; and if it is founded upon 
the rock of stability and assured against constant and oft re- 
peated proposals for change in form or manner, the business rela- 
tions of our citizens will settle down to a firm basis of security 
and men will engage with confidence in business and industrial 
enterprises, knowing that whatever competition they have to meet 



148 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

is that of the people who Hve under the same laws with them, 
who owe the same duties and responsibilities to the Governmxent, 
in short, whose conditions are similar to their own. No- one has 
the right to compete on equal terms with our people, in our mar- 
kets, but our own people. 'All talk about the brotherhood of man 
in trade, when you get beyond our geographical boundaries, is the 
merest sophistry and without the least j,ustification. A Govern- 
ment by our people must be for our people. 

We are confronted with some grave questions to-day, which 
will probably be settled, or partially settled within the next twen- 
ty-four hours. I refer to the situation with reference to the abro- 
gation oi the treaty with Russia. It may be far-reaching in its 
efifect. There is a possibility, that perhaps amounts to a prob- 
ability, of combinations among the nations of the earth which 
may threaten the stability of our Government, the prosperity of 
our people and the peace of the world. I notice that our news- 
papers to-night, in discussing the situation, suggest combinations 
between Russia and Japan or between that country and other 
countries, all directed against our country. In the absence of 
warning, in the absence of conservative thought and action, it is 
possible that we will in the near future find ourselves considering 
not how we will start a dovecote in which all nations may dwell 
in universal peace, but rather how we may maintain the integrity 
of our institutions and of our Government among the other na- 
tions of the earth. Never fear but that we will do it! Never 
fear but that the American people will be able to stem any tide 
that may run against them and beat back any enemy that may 
charge upon our country, but at the same time do not forget what 
those things cost. I asked to-day, on the floor of the Senate, 
whether or not those gentlemen who are running headlong and 
precipitately upon this situation would be the ones to organize 
regiments and lead them in a struggle if a struggle came. I saw 
no uprising in response. I heard no voice acclaim, "Yes, I will 
enlist in the ranks," nor even, "I will be an officer and lead them." 
A sentiment is being created about these conditions that is dan- 
gerous, that contains a threat which may crystallize into an active 
agency of warfare; a sentiment half baked on the part of men 



Addresses, 191 i. 149 

who think they think. But what occasion is there for abrogat- 
ing an entire treaty, important in its commercial provisions to 
our industrial world, when the abrogation of one section of it and 
a paragraph in another section would eliminate the passport ques- 
tion from the treaty and let it stand as it has stood for nearly sev- 
enty years? However, I will not go at length into a question 
that we must consider responsibly in the Senate of the United 
States, perhaps to-morrow. 

I have heard within a few weeks appeals that made a most 
beautiful word picture in regard to pending peace treaties. I 
have been asked over the 'phone, by telegraph, by letter and on 
the street corners, as to whether I would vote for the peace 
treaties, by people who had never read a word of them and had 
no idea of what was contained in them or of the results that 
would flow from them if entered upon. I was called up by 
'phone, last night, twice and asked to vote on the Russian Treaty 
abrogation that was before the Senate to-day. I declined to per- 
form a great and responsible duty in an irresponsible manner. 
No man wants war for the sake of war, but no man will avoid 
war if by so doing his honor and the honor of his country is 
jeopardized. If he does he is not worthy to be a citizen. There 
would have been no New Jersey nor Pennsylvania nor any other 
State had men shirked the duty of war. There would have been 
no civilization to which we can point to-day had men feared war 
when war was necessary and when it was a duty. It would seem 
that there are men to-day who are afraid of war because they 
think it might knock over their money piles, that it might get be- 
tween them and the source of their wealth. I have no sympathy 
with these men. They are not safe counselors in this hour nor 
in any hour when a nation's honor is at stake. A man may well 
and justly fear war on behalf of the happiness of his family, and 
of his home, and of his country, and nation; but when he must 
elect between war and national dishonor, if he hesitates he is not 
worthy of being a citizen of any country. 

Mr. President, these are rather serious topics at a banquet, but 
the feast is over and I was told that you desired some serious talk 
upon serious questions, and there is no more serious question than 



150 Ne;w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

that of the Hfe of our Government. Without this Government 
that I speak so zealously for, there would be no banquet here to- 
night and no man could claim the home he lives in ag-ainst the 
;nan who would assail it. Whatever you have to-night of prop- 
erty or participation in the social or business life of your neigh- 
bors flows from the Government. Some men seem tO' lose sight 
of the relation which they bear to the Government and which it 
bears to them. They would seem to think that they are entitled 
to have some one provide a Government for them and bring it 
tO' them free of cost. Such men have no pride in the Govern- 
ment and no^ sense of patriotism. They are afraid to speak up 
for the honor of or in defence of our institutions. They do not 
want any "disturbing" words spoken. They would rather sac- 
rifice national honor that they may sit in comfort behind their 
hoarded wealth. Now, I am no Socialist. I believe in men hav- 
ing an equal opportunity under the law and under organized 
government to accumulate wealth and have comfort and happi- 
ness that they may advance the conditions of civilized life in their 
homes and elsewhere. I am a firm believer in laws that will pro- 
tect the result of men's energy and men's skill along legitimate 
lines, but if the people yield tO' every demand for change in our 
form or manner of Government, there is no man present who may 
not see within a few short years conditions that toi-day seem to 
be inconceivable. 

Men are dreaming of peace while half of Europe is engaged 
in war to-day. Portugal and Spain may each be said to be in- 
volved in internal strife and revolution; Italy and Turkey and all 
the north coast of Africa resound with clash of arms ; Russia and 
Persia are at each other's throats; and we are proposing, in this 
passport question and the abrogation of our Treaty with Russia, 
to throw out a challenge which may precipitate another war. No 
man can deplore more strongly than I do the conditions that 
exist in regard to* our passports in Russia. I would defend the 
rights, the property and the life of a man who carries a passport 
of this Government in anv corner of the earth. I would follow 
that passport with the flag, the Constitution and, if need be, with 
arms ; but I would not allow any man to come to this country and 



Addressks, 191 1. 151 

obtain a passport for the purpose of using it as a shield to pro- 
tect him in the violation of the laws or regulations of the country 
from which he came or of any country. I would look into each 
of these cases and see whether or not they are worthy of the con- 
sideration of this Government and of action on its part so far- 
reaching as that proposed by the abrogation of the Treaty. That 
was one of the reasons why I was unwilling to-day to see the 
question of the abrogation of the Treaty with Russia come up in 
the Senate and pass right along through as though it were a mat- 
ter of small consequence whether or not this country would pro- 
tect its honor and trade relations at the same time that it protects 
its passports. These are serious questions and not to be disposed 
of without serious thought. 

My Quaker instincts do not lead me to prefer peace without 
honor. I belong to the old school of Quakers, My ancestors 
were Quakers from the beginning and were identified with the 
organization of the sect. They were the associates of George 
Fox and William Penn, the founders and leaders of the senti- 
ment; and my direct ancestors engaged in the wars in England, 
one of them being an officer on the Royalist side and another a 
Colonel in Cromwell's army. It is true that they became Quakers 
after leaving the army, but they came to America to fight, with 
such conditions as might confront them, in their own peculiar 
way, for the principles for which they stood. They built up a 
wonderful force and exercised a wonderful influence in this coun- 
try and the surrounding country in the interest of good govern- 
ment; but like other human beings, they made a mistake. In 
1755, because they were no' longer in the majority in the Legis- 
lature of Pennsylvania, they withdrew from that body; in other 
words, they "walked out," and it is to be regretted that from that 
day to this, they have not taken a more important part in political 
affairs. Now, I have been very loath to admit that the Quakers 
of Pennsylvania did what some of our people are now threaten- 
ing to do; that is, if they cannot have their own way and cannot 
upset existing conditions, they will "walk out" of the Republican 
party. I have seen people walk out of the party organization. 
I saw a faction of the people of the State of Idaho walk out of 



152 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

the great Republican party, and I have seen most of them stay 
out. They did not find a home elsewhere. They have boarded 
with the Democracy at times, and at other times boarded with 
the Populists and with any insurging element in politics. They 
have re-labeled themselves again and again and have stood on the 
street corners as political hucksters but they have never got back 
home. They never returned to "the happy hunting ground"'; and 
perhaps, like the Indians, they will never find it in this life. 

In closing, I will tell you of the Indian legend of the happy 
hunting ground, as it was told to me more than thirty years ago. 
I was sitting around a camp fire, one night, with a lot of Ogallalla 
Sioiix. I asked a very old Indian what he understood by "the 
happy hunting ground," and after a little silence he said, as 
though speaking to no one : 

"Once upon a time all Indians were Sioux. They lived in a 
land where there was no winter and no snow, where it was al- 
ways summer, where the fruits and flowers and grasses always 
grew, where the waters ran-clear in the streams, and the fish and 
game were always plentiful and sufficient everywhere. It was a 
custom among the Indians that when a Chief's son married he 
took his bride on a hunting trip; and on one occasion long ago, 
a young Chief and his bride went on such a hunting trip and, 
after traveling some days, they saw a white deer which bounded 
on before them. They followed it and kept following it for days. 
Bye and bye, they came to a place where the rocks seemed to 
open, and the deer passed through the opening. They followed 
and came out into a new world that was covered with snow. 
Everything was different. They had known of no such land or 
conditions but they still followed the deer, and by and by it dis- 
appeared. They then bethought to go back in search of the way 
by which they had come into this new and wonderful country. 
They wandered for days and months and years in this new land. 
Their children were born there, and a tribe grew up about them un- 
til it was great and powerful, but they still thought of and sought 
for the happy hunting ground from which they had wandered. 
They have been wandering from that day to this, and they only 



Addresses, 191 i. 153 

find their way back to that happy hunting ground when they die." 
And that is what they mean by the term. 
I thank you, gentlemen. (Applause.) 

President Moore : The suggestions of the Senator are well 
worthy of serious consideration by the thoughtful men to whom 
they are addressed. One matter, upon which he has spoken from 
the United States standpoint and in regard to which he played a 
prominent part in the Senate to-day, is of such grave importance 
as to explain the probable cause of the detention in Washington 
of one of our invited guests, the Secretary of the Department of 
Commerce and Labor. That gentleman was to have been with 
us at this board, but I have received from him a telegram as fol- 
lows: 

"An important and unexpected conference makes it im- 
possible for me to leave Washington this afternoon. It is 
just such a situation that makes me hesitate about accepting 
an invitation at this time as I did yours. Please accept my 
regret. Chari.es NagEIv.'' 

You may understand from this that an unforeseen exigency 
has imposed upon this distinguished gentleman duties of more 
than ordinary moment which require his presence in Washing- 
ton to-night. I assume it is a conference of the Cabinet. 

Now for a duty that is extremely pleasing. We have had 
many strong men of the nation at the dinners of the New Jersey 
Society of Pennsylvania, and each dinner seems to have been 
more notable in this respect than the preceding one. We have 
been greatly honored by the distinguished men who have come 
to our board, and they were worthy in every way of every effort 
that was made to bring them here. We have not gone far below 
the Mason and Dixon line yet, but it is our good fortune to-night 
to be favored with the presence of a statesman who is the spokes- 
man and representative of the Old Dominion State. We may 
boast of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and that is pardonable 
upon an occasion of this kind, but what man, Jerseyman or Penn- 
sylvanian, or from Idaho though he come, is not proud to share 



154 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

in that splendid heritage which descends to us from the Old 
Dominion State, the mother of Presidents ; the first State in the 
galaxy of the Union when the Constitution was adopted; the 
State that gave us the illustrious Washington and the most dis- 
tinguished statesmen in the early history of the Republic; the 
State with the most numerous battlefields, upon which was shed 
on both sides, in the greatest American conflict, the richest blood 
of the Nation. Our guest is a man of deep and profound con- 
victions, beloved in his State and qualified for higher honors if 
he desires them. And who will say that, as he has become a 
devoted friend of waterways and always has been for water 
throughout his political career, (laughter,) there may not be a 
surprise in the stable of the dark horses of the Democracy, if it 
ever has an opportunity to win, and that out of this meeting to- 
night there may not come, from one end of the country to the 
other, a demand upon William Hodges Mann, Governor of Vir- 
ginia, to be the candidate in the coming contest? I present his 
Excellency, Governor Mann. (Applause. ) 

Governor Mann was cordially greeted and responded with 
characteristic humor and force. After expressing his pleasure in 
addressing an audience of men of intelligence, character and 
ability, he said he realized that forty years ago the invitation to 
be present would perhaps not have been given him and, if it had 
been, that it would hardly have been accepted. He said he 
rejoiced that those times had passed away and that the con- 
testants of those days could come together, without making 
concessions on either side, and touch elbows as citizens of a 
common country. 

The position of Virginia in the crisis of 1861 had not been 
clearly understood, he said, and he thought it would not be 
improper for him to explain it. He declared that the State did 
not withdraw from the Union in order to maintain the slavery 
institution ; that many of her people favored emancipation ; that 
Thomas Jefferson favored it one hundred years earlier ; and that 
George Washington manumitted his slaves in his will. In April, 
1 861, the Constitutional Convention, then in session at Rich- 



Addresses, 191 i. 155 

mond, voted by 90 to 45 against secession from the Union of the 
States, which Virginia had perhaps done more than any other 
State to create. But the people of the old Commonwealth be- 
lieved in the principle of State Sovereignty or the right of a 
State to withdraw from the compace that the States had made. 
While opposed to secession, Virginia maintained that her sister 
States of the South had the right to secede if they saw proper 
to do so; and when Mir. Lincoln made a call on the State to 
contribute her quota of seventy-five thousand men, whom he 
thought then would be sufficient to bring about a settlement of 
the difficulties, Virginia had to do one of two things. She had 
either to appeal to her sisters who she thought had a right to go 
out of the Union not to exercise that right or she had to take 
sides with them. The slavery question did not come up for 
consideration. Her position was taken resolutely and heroicahy, 
regardless of consequences. Notwithstanding, her people knew 
that, as the gateway to the South, the State would be the theatre 
of war and that upon her bosom the great battles of the war 
would be fought they felt that Virginia must follow where the 
voice of duty called, and that it was too late to count the cost. 
Virginia was then and is to-day a conservative State ; and Gov- 
ernor Mann added that he uttered no new thought when he 
expressed his conviction that the time would come when the 
South would be the bulwark of American freedom and Ameri- 
can institutions. 

Incidentally, he spoke of the State pride of Virginians and 
told an amusing story of a man who having gone to Heaven 
from Virginia and found there crowds of his fellow citizens with 
balls and chains upon their limbs, was informed that those 
shackles were necessary to prevent that portion of the popula- 
tion of the Clestial City from breaking out and going back to 
Virginia. 

Returning to his subject, the Governor said that in the war 
which came because we did not understand each other as well 
as we do now, 2,221 battles were fought, in each of which more 
than five hundred men were engaged on either side; that some 
1,400 of these conflicts took place on the soil of the common- 



156 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

wealth which he now had the honor to represent ; and that the 
best blood of the country was shed there. On both sides the 
splendid heroism of the American people was conspicuous. He 
disclaimed any intention to make an invidious distinction, for 
he said he knew of the valor of the Federal soldiers who charged 
at Federicksburg against cannon upon the heights and infantry 
massed like a stone wall, throwing themselves against a position 
that was practically impregnable until the ground was so thickly 
covered with corpses that a person could walk for acres without 
touching the soil. There was also that splendid charge, which 
was made by Pickett at Gettysburg, when out of five thousand 
men who stormed Cemetery Hill, meeting at its crest foemen 
worthy of their steel, all but sixteen hundred were left upon 
the field of strife. 

Replying to an accusation against the Southern slaveholders, 
he said they had been charged with being cruel to their slaves 
and maltreating them. As a matter of fact, when those slave- 
masters went into the army they left their wives, children and 
homes in the charge of the colored people, and the latter re- 
sponded to that confidence as no people, under like circum- 
tances, ever did before. He asked would this have been possible 
if the slaveholders had been guilty of the charge made against 
them. He thought that the fact he had stated was in itself a 
sufficient answer to the accusation. 

Referring to the deplorable condition of the South in 1865, 
when the war closed. Governor Mann pictured the destitution 
of communities deprived of a means of livelihood and even of 
money ; some of them being compelled to draw rations from the 
Government. Not only had their whole domestic system been 
destroyed but the inherited tendency of generations practically 
unfitted them for manual labor. Their ordinary business facili- 
ties had been swept away, and some communities had nothing 
left but the cavalry horses that General Grant magnanimously 
and generously gave to the Southern soldiers at Appomattox 
and the comparatively worthless animals that had been used in 
the army. Notwithstanding this desperate situation the South- 
ern people, overcoming their inherited tendency, went to work, 



Addresses, 191 i. 157 

applied themselves to industrial pursuits, and to-day the South 
is blossoming like a rose. 

Governor Mann continued : At the opening of the war our 
manufacturing interests in the whole South were represented 
by $142,000,000 invested in factories and our annual output 
amounted to $240,000,000. In 1910, the amount invested in 
factories in the South was $2,128,000,000, the annual output 
was $2,690,000,000, and the population numbered 27,000,000. 
In i860, we had a banking capital of $213,000,000. In 1910, 
our banking capital amounted to $2,078,000,000. Our annual 
income in 1910 was $6,010,000,000, of which $2,690,000,000 
came from our factories, $2,600,000,000 from our fields, 
$400,000,000 from our forests and $280,000,000 from our mines. 

The natural wealth of the South is being utilized. We have 
I do not know how many billions of tons of coal ; and our mills 
at Birmingham and other placs in the South are supplied with 
our iron ore, of which we have millions of tons. So that in iron 
manufacture we can compete to-day with Pittsburgh. Twenty- 
five years ago I made the statement to some capitalists in the 
Lehigh Valley that the time would come when men who wanted 
to work in iron mills would have to come South, and I was 
laughed at ; but my prediction is appreciated to-day because we 
have not only shown that we possess the raw material, but have 
demonstrated our capacity to handle it. 

In respect to many other products the industry of the South 
has been underestimated. It was thought some time back that 
she could not produce anything but cotton, tobacco and pea- 
nuts. As to the cotton crop, we raised last year a million and 
a-half more bales than we raised in the year before ; and in 1910, 
the total had so increased that we may well regard the cotton 
crop of the South as the main factor in preserving that balance 
of trade which Senator Heyburn spoke of as so desirable. I 
think the Senator would have been justified in declaring that 
this South-land of ours is destined to maintain that balance of 
trade in favor of the United States. The South has a creditable 
record in agriculture. We raised in 191 o, (I have not the 



158 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

figures for this year) 913,000,000 bushels of corn or nearly one- 
third of all the corn that is produced in our great country. 

Governor Mann here remarked that he had been asked by a 
friend on his left to relate an incident of the war of which he 
had knowledge. He said he referred to an actual occurrence 
in Petersburg at a time when General Grant was giving that 
locality a strenuous experience. While the city was beleagured 
and being shelled an auction sale took place at the intersection 
of two streets. The auctioneer was selling a tall, old, mahogany 
wardrobe and had gotten the price up to $990. He shouted 
"Nine hundred and ninety dollars once, nine hundred and 
ninety dollars twice;" and just then, an exploding shell from 
General Grant's trenches lit right on the top of the old wardrobe 
and knocked it into smithereens, whereupon the auctioneer 
cried "Gone to General Grant at a thousand dollars." 

The Governor continued : I have given this story as typical 
of many incidents which illustrated the spirit of the American 
people because the courage and manhood displayed upon that 
and similar occasions could not be measured by State lines, but 
had their source and inspiration in the American character. 

The efforts which the South has made since 1865 have re- 
sulted in the gathering of a wealth of $21,250,000,000. She is not 
boasting of her achievements in any spirit of mere self glorifica- 
tion but she is proud of them as contributing to the welfare and 
prosperity of this great country of which she is proud to be a 
part. We recognize that it is for us to do our part along the 
paths of peace in building up the nation, while following the 
flag which you and all American citizens follow in times of peril ; 
and I think that in the Spanish War we demonstrated our 
disposition to do that. It was a wholesome lesson which that 
war taught the people of foreign lands when they saw the 
soldiers from the North, the South the East and the West 
touching elbows and following the flag. If the terrible fore- 
boding of peril from abroad which has impressed us to-night 
should be realized and President Taft or some other President — 
possibly one from New Jersey or one from Alabama, if you 
choose — should call on Virginia, while I am Governor, for its 



Addresses, 191 i. 159 

quota of troops, the call will be honored and the troops will be 
furnished. If necessary I will go with them, and if I do not 
I will be willing to send my boy, whom I love better than I love 
myself. 

I voice the sentiment of the Southern people to-day in thank- 
ing God that the time has come when sectionalism, so far as the 
South is concerned, does not exist. [Applause.] It would not 
be in accordance with our manhood to apologize for our past, 
but we rejoice that the Southern States, with old Virginia, are 
numbered among the forty-eight States of the American Union, 
When the time comes, they will present a solid front against 
invasion and, if need be, will carry our flag and our Constitu- 
tion wherever the Congress and the President of the United 
States shall order. We have not forgotten the past ; we remem- 
ber the splendid achievements of our men in the field, in the 
forum and in the halls of legislation. We believe that their 
records will serve as an inspiration to even greater duties and 
truer Americanism on our part than our fathers, who did so 
much for this country, ever achieved. The record of Virginia 
in our early history should not be forgotten. That State sur- 
rendered to the Union, when she becam'e a part of it, a splendid 
domain which, under the Charter of 1606, extended northward 
and southward two hundred miles from Fortress Monroe and 
westward and northwestward for even a greater distance; and 
she gave up to the Union $700,000 a year, a large sum in those 
times. To-day we are willing to make a like sacrifice, if need 
be, to promote the glory of this country or, for its defense, to 
put in the front line of battle what we value more than any- 
thing else, the manhood, the chivalry and the courage of our 
people. While differing honestly with our brethren elsewhere 
upon questions of national policy, we propose to fight out our 
differences to a finish in an open field; and if the result is 
adverse to us, we, will accept it unreservedly and press forward 
to a truer nationality and a more splendid American citizen- 
ship. On behalf of the two million and sixty-one thousand 
people whom I have the honor to represent, I say to this 
audience, most of whom differ from me in politics, (and I 



i6o New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

believe I can make this statement for all the people of the 
South,) that upon all questions affecting the great issues of 
American progress and the triumph of American institutions, 
not only the old Commonwealth of Virginia but every Southern 
State will stand up in the spirit of American chivalry for those 
principles which promise the greatest good to the greatest 
number and will promote the interest of the American people 
over and above that of the balance of the world. [Applause.] 

President Moore : Those of us who have noted the gradual 
trend of progress throughout the new South and who have 
taken off their hats in admiration of the industry and enterprise 
of the Southern States may readily understand that, when we 
bring Senator Heyburn here to speak for the protection of the 
American people against the world, and when we have a speech 
from the Governor of Virginia, breathing patriotism and unity 
in every line of it, it would not take us long, under the auspices 
of the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, to get together in 
every one of the States of this Union. 

The next speaker is one whom it is difficult for me to intro- 
duce in fitting terms. His victories in peace are no less re- 
nowned than those of war. I know no man who has accom- 
plished more as a man of peace than the distinguished guest 
whom I am about to present. His name has been heralded 
throughout the world as that of its greatest explorer; and his 
life work has brought 'honor and glory to the American Flag, 
which he represented and which he planted upon the most 
northern point of the world's surface. I am reminded that he 
is associated with the New Jersey Society because our distin- 
guished forefather, the Father of his Country, was with the 
patriots who crossed the Delaware River one stormy night in 
December, 1776. Ice was the barrier then but it was no more 
insurmountable to Washington crossing the Delaware than it 
was to Peary in the Arctic seas. The Hessians and the City of 
Trenton fell into Washington's grasp, and his victory stirred 
the hearts of the 'slumbering Americans who were beginning to 
lose hope. From that moment they took courage and the War 



Addresses, 191 i. 161 

of the Revolution was substantially won. Peary kept on and 
on until successful in a task which had been a failure to all 
adventurers of all the centuries. Twenty-three years of devoted 
service in pursuit of the great object which the explorers of the 
world, for centuries, had undertaken to accomplish is the record 
of our guest. Eight separate voyages organized by himself and 
his devoted friends, without help from the Government which 
he served, attest his perseverance, industry and zeal. He bears 
no wounds of war, but his leg was broken in one of his voyages, 
and the absence of toes cut off by the frost is silent evidence 
to-night of the sacrifice he made in the great work he under- 
took to do. Peary accomplished the marvel of the ages ; he out- 
distanced every other nation in the running and brought the 
honors of successful, hardy achievement home to the country 
he loved so well. I present him to-night not as a hero, but as a 
servant of the Government of the United States, one who faith- 
fully served the people of this nation from the day he first 
crossed the Isthmus of Panama, as a civil engineer, and gave a 
report of its possibilities to the Government, up until the time 
that the Congress of the United States recognized his valuable 
services and made him a Rear Admiral — Admiral Peary. 
(Applause. ) 

Admiral Peary, when the applause which greeted him sub- 
sided, said that he was born in Pennsylvania, near the summit 
of the Allegheny Mountains; that when he started out upon 
his life work he was indebted to Philadelphia for its interest in 
the work and its financial assistance; that he numbered among 
his friends to-day many Philadelphians ; and therefore, he was 
very glad that he could qualify as one of the guests of the 
Society. He expressed apprehension that, after the eloquent 
speeches of Senator Heyburn and Governor Mann, anything 
he might say would fall fiat, particularly in respect to interest- 
ing topics which those gentlemen had discussed, because for 
nearly twenty-three years he had been comparatively in the back 
woods and was therefore not in touch with the questions of the 
day. He said he felt convinced that the President of the 

11 



1 62 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Society was aware of this when inviting him to be present and 
say a word or two and knew that, if he said anything, it must 
be upon a subject with which he was famihar. 

In Hstening to Senator Heyburn, the Admiral said, several 
thoughts occurred to him. The Senator's reference to the 
foreign relations of the United States had reminded him that 
seven years ago last month, when going on board his ship at 
Sydney, Cape Breton, to steam north, he was apprised by a 
telegram of the victory at Santiago — an event which made this 
country a world power, a globe encircling country with rela- 
tions and possibilities such as had been indicated by the Sena- 
tor. Since that time American achievements had been historic. 
We had located and defined the position of the North Pole, and 
the building of the Panama Canal had been commenced and 
was now almost completed. Between these two limits was the 
natural sphere of the influence of this country. 

Referring to Senator Heyburn's discussion of the functions 
of government and the duties of citizenship he said that, while 
this topic was being presented, he could not avoid contrasting 
the condition of the millions of civilized nations with that of the 
little tribe of Esquimaux at the most northern habitable point 
in the world — a community of a few hundreds, without govern- 
ment, without trade, without foreign interests, without taxes 
and not only without currency, but without a unit of value; 
human beings like ourselves, who lived the life of animals yet 
were happy and contented and whose lives were possibly more 
happy and contented than those of many of our own people. 

Proceeding with an interesting description of life and work 
in the Arctic regions, he said it was a country where the normal 
food of every individual is only meat, where there are none of 
the artificial accessories of life, where there is but one day and 
one night in the year, where the temperature in winter may 
drop as low as seventy degrees below zero and where, except 
only for a short time in the summer, nothing but ice and snow 
can be seen. 

Commenting upon what he regarded as an almost universal 
popular misconception, he said it was customary for persons of 



Addresses, 191 i. 163 

average intelligence to sum up the conditions in the polar coun- 
try in three words — cold, hunger and darkness. He explained 
that the cold, however severe, was not more trying to a healthy 
individual clad in the right material and properly fed than was 
the low winter temperature of Pennsylvania or the Middle 
States. Cold being entirely relative, the frigidity of the most 
remote northern latitudes is not a more rigorous test of endur- 
ance to a person from the Middle Atlantic States than is our 
climate to an inhabitant of the tropics. It is essential that the 
clothing worn in that region should be of fur and should be 
made from the fur of animals killed there ; that it must accord 
with the costume of the inhabitants there, which is an evolu- 
iton of generation after generation; and that the wearer must 
know how to use it. The notion that an individual clad in that 
material would carry an immense weight, looking like a bale of 
dry goods, the Admiral said, is erroneous because the weight of 
a fur costume for a man of his stature made of bear skin 
obtained in the polar region and adapted for the lowest pos- 
sible temperature, is only the same as that of a winter business 
suit in our own latitude, not including the overcoat. In other 
words, a fur costume consisting of a coat of bear skin, trousers 
of bear skin and boots of seal skin with stockings, would weigh 
a little over twelve pounds. 

In regard to the darkness of the Arctic region he said that the 
popular conception that it is dark there continually is unfound- 
ed, the summer being a season of intense and brilliant light; 
in the winter it is not the density of the darkness, but its long 
continuance that counts. In the latitude in which he spent the 
winter, in his last two expeditions, the sun sets in October and 
does not rise again until the latter part of February, but the 
reflection of the starlight from the snow furnishes some light. 
In each month of that period the moon circles the heavens and, 
in the summer, the sun gives light for six, seven or eight days 
without setting. It is then that the white men of an expedition 
get exercise and go on hunting trips for the purpose of adding 
to the winter meat supply. 



1 64 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

As to hunger, he declared that the matter of living was not a 
more serious problem in the Arctic regions than in many other 
portions of the globe and that an experienced and properly 
equipped party had no occasion for apprehension. The only 
suffering from hunger occurred when a number of men started 
out to cover the greatest possible distance from their base and, 
in the effort to accomplish the feat, traversed the polar sea ice, 
where not a pound of food could be obtained, until they had 
used up not merely half but two-thirds of their supplies and 
were trusting to fortune to get back on the remaining third. 
The finding of a meat supply in the Arctic regions might be 
surprising to persons not acquainted with the locality, and yet 
in all his expeditions during the last twenty years he had de- 
pended absolutely upon the country for the furnished meat 
supply of his party, and this had never failed. Enumerating 
the sources of food supply, he said that that which only the 
Esquimaux could furnish in any considerable quantity was the 
white seal and the inhabitants of the sea. The supply that the 
white man who has had a little experience can obtain just as 
well as the Esquimaux, comes from the muskrat, there being no 
finer meat than that of this animal when young; the Arctic deer; 
the blue fox; in the summer time two or three kinds of birds; 
and in some localities, the most delicious variety of fish that can 
be found in the world. Of the latter a species sHghtly pink in 
color, called the salmon trout, a most beautiful fish, inhabits the 
lakes in Greenland and elsewhere. The Admiral said he had 
speared some of these that weighed as much as twelve pounds 
and that, having been taken out of water that was never warm.er 
than forty degrees, their fibre was the finest that could be 
desired. 

He added that he could go on detailing incidents connected 
with the work he had been fortunate enough to accomplish but 
that the main proposition was a matter of history. He said the 
President of the Society had very kindly noted something of 
the meaning of his work, and he expressed his appreciation of 
the complimentary reference to himself and of the honor of 
being present. (Applause.) 



Addresses, 191 i. 165 

President Moore: Gentlemen, it may please yoti to know 
you have just heard from a native Pennsylvanian. His speech 
has given us a special reason to be proud of our State and 
of him. 

Now a word of explanation. The distinguished senior 
Senator from Pennsylvania is present but is suffering from a 
severe cold which prevents him from delivering an address. I 
gave him my promise not to call upon him. As he is about to 
retire — (Senator Penrose, having risen, bowed in acknowledg- 
ment of the applause which greeted him and withdrew,) all we 
can expect from Senator Penrose on this occasion is a bow. 
(Applause.) 

The Chair further explains that he made a similar promise 
to Governor Stokes of New Jersey, (applause,) and his word 
being as good as his bond, he will not call upon that gentleman. 

The Chair now presents to you Jerseymen and to you Penn- 
sylvanians, owing some allegiance to New Jersey, the spokes- 
man for Pennsylvania, the Hon. John C. Bell, the Attorney 
General of the State. What may be his connection with New 
Jersey I know not, but the record he has made in Pennsylvania 
thus far ranks his among the brilliant intellects of the State. 
They say — at least, the Governor of this State says — that the 
faculty of expression and the classic style which characterize the 
Attorney General, when he feels in the humor to favor us upon 
occasions of this kind, leave nothing to be desired. Those of 
you who have heard the gentleman speak will appreciate those 
words of praise. I present Attorney General Bell. 

Mr. Bell promptly responded and was much applauded. He 
said: 

Mr. Chairman and guests, there is an almost irresistible temp- 
tation to refer in complimentary measure, with perhaps a bit 
of critical comment here and there, to the interesting, instructive 
and patriotic addresses we have heard this evening, but galloping 
time and a proper response to the inspiring toast given me impel 
me to refrain; and I shall only pause to express my great grati- 



1 66 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

fication and genuine appreciation of the intellectual pleasure that 
I know has been yours and that surely has been mine. 

I have always had a feeling, intensified by what has been said 
here this evening, that as we look down the avenue of the cen- 
turies no citizen has greater cause for patriotic pride, love and 
devotion to^ his State and his Nation than that man who can 
claim Pennsylvania as his birthplace or home. An occasion like 
this and the eloquent addresses to which we have listened natur- 
ally call to mind a memorable and eventful year in the history of 
the world. It was a year in which a certain King was universally 
acclaimed "the grand monarch" and his kingdom recognized as 
omnipotent among the nations of the world. It was the triumph 
of autocracy and war; of vast armies, great generals, intriguing 
ministers and of a policy wherein the King was the State. "I 
am the State" was his motto ; and the year was the very apogee of 
his reign, the very zenith of his power, glory, real extravagance 
and magnificence. I need hardly say to you that I refer tO' Louis 
XlVth. And the year was 1682. Mark the antithesis then and 
since and note the gestation of time. That very same year Wil- 
liam Penn sowed the seed of a new empire upon the inhospitable 
shores of the Delaware. He was the apostle of Peace and Civil 
Liberty. Invested with the privilege under his grant from the 
Crown of establishing any political government he might elect, 
he gave to the freemen of his province a novel, democratic con- 
stitution which, to use his own words, "put the power in the 
people." 

Anticipating the world by a full century, his Constitution or 
"frame of government," as he called it, provided for popular suf- 
frage, for the purity of the ballot, for religious freedom and for 
the making of laws by the people through their representatives 
in legislative assemblage. In the preface tO' his frame of govern- 
ment, he announced the principle that "Any government is free 
to the people under it, no matter what its form, where the laws 
rule and the people are a party to these laws; and more or less 
than this is tyranny, oligarchy or confusion." Says an eminent 
student of history and government, writing to-day of the great- 
ness of Pennsylvania, "Political philosophy may be searched in 



Addresses, 191 i. 167 

vain for a finer definition" ; and he adds that it ought tO' be in- 
scribed on a tablet at the entrance of our City Hall. Around the 
dome of the Capitol at Harrisburg- there is this inscription, taken 
from Penn's writings : "And my God will make it the seed of a 
nation" ; and again, "For the nations want a precedent." And the 
God of our civic forefathers did make it the seed of a nation; 
for in His providence, Penn's City of Brotherly Love became "the 
cradle of civil liberty" ; and in its historic hall there were framed 
and promulgated to the world the two great Charts of our Liber- 
ties, the Declaration of Independence and the Federal Constitu- 
tion — the latter the most perfect instrument, according to Glad- 
stone, ever struck off by the pen of man. 

And by way of further antithesis, you will recall how the 
Bourbon monarchy and its imperial power were wasted by war, 
disintegrated and died ; that its last King lost his head upon the 
guillotine; and that simultaneously, with the era of the death 
struggle of that monarchy, founded upon autocracy and war, 
Pennsylvania became the great keystone in the arch of free gov- 
ernment of the United States. But consummate in human wis- 
dom as was the Federal Constitution, there was woven in it, as 
an essential condition of its adoption, a fatal co^mpromise which 
was destined in the short span of the allotted age of man to pre- 
cipitate the civil conflict of the ages. Out of this womb of war 
the Nation was born again. And in its horoscope there loomed 
a star like unto that at Bethlehem. I believe that of the great 
and good men of all recorded time, were the Almighty to choose 
His masterpiece, that choice would be Abraham Lincoln. In his 
memorable journey to Washington, to his inauguration, he passed 
through our State, stopping at Pittsburg, at the Capitol and at 
Philadelphia. And while here, down in Independence Square, 
he raised the Stars and Stripes over our Temple of Freedom — 
the birthplace of the Constitution he was soon to be called upon 
to defend. It was nO' merely spectacular exhibition, for in the 
sincerity of his soul, he removed his coat and raised the flag him- 
self. And a great stillness fell upon the crowd, for in this action 
they saw what a hearkening Nation later heard from his lips — 
pronounced upon the sacred soil of our great field of battle, the 



1 68 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

turning tide of the war — a God-inspired exhortation that one and 
all should dedicate themselves anew to the cause of civil liberty 
and the equality of man; and be highly resolved "that this Nation, 
under God, shall have a new birth ,of freedom, and that govern- 
ment of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not 
perish from the earth." And peace came. What more fitting 
place for the Centennial Celebration of our Independence than on 
Pennsylvania soil and within the limits of the City of Brotherly 
Love? Here it was celebrated; and the spirit of the time was 
voiced in the verse of that poet of freedom, whom the Nation 
selected to give it utterance: 

"Our father's God, from out whose hand 
The centuries fall like grains of sand, 

We meet to-day, united, free. 

And loyal to our land and Thee, 

To thank Thee for the era done 

And trust Thee for the opening one." 

"And trust Thee for the opening one" — yes, that opening one 
in which the Nation has been advancing in marvellous strides 
along the pathway of her destiny; carrying and establishing the 
principles oi civil liberty, religious freedom and the equality of 
man in an ever widening circle, beyond the confines of the con- 
tinent, to and among the peoples of the Gulf and in the islands 
in the far-off Pacific sea ; insisting upon the recognition of these 
principles of American citizenship by Czars and Kings ; and in a 
larger sense seeking, by international treaties of arbitration and 
in the Peace Congresses of the world, the ultimate abolition of 
war and the adoption of the principle of brotherhood among the 
nations of the earth : so advancing in marvelous strides, I say, 
until to-day our Nation, born in Penn's City of Brotherly Love, 
is recognized as the foremost champion of universal peace and 
truly symbolized by the sister Republic that has risen phoenix-like 
from the ashes of the Bourbon monarchy as "Liberty enlighten- 
ing the World." (Applause.) 

President Moore : Gentlemen, it is just fifteen minutes of 
twelve o'clock and, that we may adjourn promptly at the midnight 
hour, I shall enforce the five-minute rule from this time. 



Addresses, 191 i. 169 

We are grateful to the distinguished and eloquent Attorney 
General of Pennsylvania for his most excellent address. He has 
given us two types of representative men, that of the great mon- 
archial leader and that of the greatest of all Republican leaders ; 
but he has not given us the real type of the Jerseyman, nor have 
we heard thus far from the real Jersey type to-night. Mr. Bell 
called our attention to an epoch in French history, but we have 
in New Jersey a reminder of the Napoleonic regime. Over yon- 
der at Bordentown is a home that was once occupied by Joseph 
Bonaparte, ex-King of Spain and Naples, and brother of the great 
Napoleon. When that distinguished foreigner, having sought a 
refuge on these shores, desired to acquire a large estate upon 
which to reside, he sought to purchase property in Pennsylvania 
but he was denied the opportunity because of a popular fear of 
kings coming to rule in this country. New Jersey had no such 
fear and, by Act of the Legislature, permitted Joseph Bonaparte 
to acquire real estate and settle at Bordentown. From that day 
to this, in terms of derision, Jerseymen have sometimes been 
called "foreigners" or "Spaniards." The gentleman upon whom 
I now call will defend us. He is the leader of the New Jersey 
minority Republican delegation in the House of Representatives ; 
he is a type oi the Jerseyman whom we are all proud to honor in 
Washington ; and he is one who fitly represents the people of his 
district — the Hon. John J. Gardner of the Second Congressional 
District. (Applause.) 

Mr. Gardner entertained the company in his usual happy 
style. He said : 

Mr. Chairman, the five-minute rule was not necessary because 
I never make a long speech before breakfast. I am glad to have 
been here with you to-night, first, because of the presence of the 
distinguished guests ; and I, for one, am thankful, and think you 
ought to be, for the presence of Senator Heyburn, who has the 
courage to speak his sentiments, and he really believes something. 
I am glad to be present with that hero-, who after twenty odd 
years of hard work and inexpressible daring, representing his Gov- 
ernment, achieved the success of reaching the North Pole, I am 



170 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

glad that we honor his achievement and are not like the German 
professor who believed that no particular credit attached to any 
one, man or animal, that merely did his duty. It is said that some 
young men, who thought to startle him a little, said to him, 
"Professor, they have just sent a rat and a rat dog up in a balloon, 
and when a thousand feet high, the rat was thrown out and at 
fifteen hundred feet the dog was thrown out, and it caught the 
rat before it touched the earth." "What of that," said the Pro- 
fessor, "if he was a rat dog, it was his business." (Laughter.) 

I am delighted to meet Jerseymen, even though they be largely 
those who have expatriated themselves to fight the battles of life 
among people who are "easier." When looking over such a body, 
1 know I am. viewing the very best. Perhaps this is a proper oc- 
casion for calling your attention tO' and giving our thanks for an 
escape from the mighty responsibility which New Jersey might 
have carried for the Nation. I have never had any do>ubt that 
William Penn, after his Governorship of the State of New Jersey 
and his knowledge of it, accepted Pennsylvania merely for the 
purpose of straightening New Jersey's proper lines. Did you 
ever look at the map and notice that if you draw a straight line 
from Belvidere to Swedesboro, it goes near to Media and, if you 
extend the northeast line of Bergen County naturally and as it 
ought to have been, and would have been on lines laid out by the 
United States, it takes in New York City and its suburbs? So 
that Jersey, still small in area, barely escapes being to-day a State 
with a population of more than nine million and being responsible 
for the two- metropoli of the East and their population. 

We do not care over there that we are called "Spaniards." 
Jerseymen regard all epithets or adjectives applied tO' them as 
really complimentary terms because inspired by sentiments of 
jealousy. Certainly there is nO' other State in the Union with a 
more brilliant history for loyalty, for promptness in coming to 
the defence of the country in every time of need, for stability in 
its laws and institutions and for wisdom in the councils which 
built up the Nation. Governor Mann, to-night, thrilled the hearts 
of Jerseymen by connecting that State with the Presidency in the 
near future; but, having previously listened to the speech of Sena- 



Addresses, 191 i. 171 

tor Heyburn, I apologized in my own mind to "Judge" and mut- 
tered "Wilson is risky — that's all." 

The people of New Jersey have been industrious, patriotic, 
honest and stable. Jersey doesn't boast of her history. She has 
no "Hampy" Moore to challenge attention to and descant upon 
her glories before audiences that have never heard of them. 
However, it just so happened because of a crooked line that In- 
dependence Hall was on this side of the river. Now, I make no 
threat to introduce a bill extending the line of Bergen County to 
the sea and attaching Brooklyn to Jersey City and New York 
City to Hoboken, nor straightening this west line and attaching 
Philadelphia to Camden, but it would be entirely natural; and 
from what has occurred during the last century, I am rather per- 
suaded that if it had been done New York and Philadelphia would 
have been better governed and better off. 

I am not much of a traveler, but I go around a little and I am 
amazed that we, of New Jersey, have been so modest about the 
history of our own children, of whom we should be proud, and 
have not hunted them up and exploited them before the country. 
We furnish Western States (like Minnesota) with their Gover- 
nors ; some of the Southern States, or one of them at least, with 
their present prospective candidate for the Presidency; other 
States, with their great lawyers and their leading men; science, 
with her most brilliant intellect; manufacture, with her finest ex- 
ample; and, in a word, while I am proud of every State of the 
Union, though Pennsylvania stands a good deal of examination 
and New York feels, at least, as boastful as is justified, still if 
there be any star on that flag which should be brighter than any 
other, which ought to have a higher place near the top corner as a 
special distinction, it should be the one which represents that 
grand, loyal, stable old State of New Jersey. (Applause.) 

President Moore: Gentlemen, ten minutes remain before 
midnight and five of those minutes will be allotted for an expres- 
sion of gratitude upon the part of a member of this Society whom 
we Jerseymen, native and alien, elected President of the Union 
League of Philadelphia; for it is generally conceded that in the 



172 Nkw Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

great contest waged hereabouts for several months past, had it 
not been for the Jersey vote coming in at the appointed hour, 
William T. Tilden would have gone down in defeat. (Merri- 
ment.) Our candidate will now say a word in commendation of 
his loyal supporters of the New Jersey Society. 

Mr. Wieeiam T. Tieden^ President of the Union League of 
Philadelphia, responded amid applause : Mr. President, I have 
been kept' up late by many people, but never later than by Jer- 
seymen. Placed, as I have been to-night, between the distin- 
guished Senator from Pennsylvania and a Member of Congress, 
I realize that the Union League has become the connecting link 
between the Senate and the House ; and possibly that may help 
Senator Heyburn. 

Again: The Union League of Philadelphia gathers within 
its walls, the sons of every State, come they from the North, the 
South, the East or the West, and makes them welcome under 
the Stars and Stripes. (Applause.) 

President Moore : Gentlemen, the speech of the President 
of The Union League, though a brief one for a patiently waiting 
audience, was concise and comprehensive. It has surprised and 
delighted the Chair. (Laughter.) 

We are appoaching the hour of midnight, and the time has 
come for your Presiding Officer to surrender the gavel to his 
successor ; but before doing so, he will not only discharge a duty, 
but enjoy a great pleasure in acknowledging his indebtedness 
to the gentlemen who have been associated with him in direct- 
ing the affairs of this Society during the past year. He could 
not have asked for more loyal support than has come from the 
distinguished retiring secretary, Mr. Henry C. Thompson, Jr., 
and he is equally indebted to the active Treasurer, Mr. Stanley 
C. French, who has cheerfully co-operated in all committee 
work. He could not have had more generous and self-sacri- 
ficing co-operation and assistance than he has received from the 
Committee on Entertainment and the Committee on Guests, 
the names of whose members appear on the menu card before 
you. 



Addresses, 191 i. 173 

I want to pay special tribute to the former Presidents of the 
Society, who stood steadfastly by it from its inception and, with 
your assistance, contributed nearly everything to make it what 
it is. First of all, Murrell Dobbins. (Applause.) It is gratifying 
to me to see you do what you have done and what I expected 
you would do, applaud the name of our first President, the 
efficient and popular City Treasurer of Philadelphia. 

Having paid a deserved compliment to a worthy officer, I 
would like to have you give some expression of your satisfaction 
and pleasure in the recollection of the splendid administration 
of this handsome gentleman, who is the leader of the Guests' 
Committee upon this occasion, the second Presiding Officer of 
the Society, the President of the College of Pharmacy, the 
President of the Equitable Trust Company, and a leader in 
many of the popular movements and public-spirited affairs of 
this city — Mr. Howard B. French. (Applause.) 

Now that you have responded cordially to my suggestion 
and the name of Mr. French has also been inscribed upon the 
roll of fame, I trust you will pardon me if I advert for a moment 
to that aggressive Jerseyman, who in his own person stands for 
everything that Senator Heyburn spoke for, who has been char- 
acterized as the personification of Schedule K, the greatest 
trouble-breeder in the American nation to-day. (Laughter.) 
No man worked more assiduously than did he to maintain the 
high standard which had been established for the Society by his 
predecessors ; and I hope you will lay all party differences aside 
and give just a little bit of the meed of your applause to the 
third President of the Society, Mr. Richard Campion. (Ap- 
plause.) 

Now, that you have done so magnificently, may I draw your 
attention to another of your ex-Presidents, one whom I had 
hoped would address you to-night and whom I admonished, 
during the evening, that he would be called upon if he would 
only wait long enough ; but he left us early and perhaps because 
of that admonition. Distinguished both as a Jerseyman and a 
Pennsylvanian, he has become widely known throughout this 
nation as a master in the revision of the laws of the country. 



174 New Je;rsey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

and his name has been coupled with one of the most important 
measures of legislation passed by any Congress. May I ask 
you, in his absence, which will make the tribute all the more 
complimentary to him, to do for Reuben O. Moon that which 
you have done for Messrs. Dobbins, French and Campion? 
(Applause.) It seems there is no let up in the enthusiasm 
which greets the names of these distinguished men. 

Now, I am about to quit. (Applause.) That you applaud 
my quitting is as welcome to me as the announcement is to you, 
for I lay down, without reluctance, the great responsibility you 
placed upon me; and I do this without any unkind feeling 
towards any member of the Society, none whatever. (Laugh- 
ter.) 

Before retiring, I want to supplement the reference I made 
to the growth of New Jersey by a few figures concerning the 
relative increase in population of New Jersey and Pennsylvania. 
Several of the speakers have spoken upon the question. There 
was a little boastful talk about New Jersey, and the Governor 
of Virginia was not slow (to speak of the growth of the popula- 
tion of that State. Now, what are the facts ? Some time ago, 
in looking up the statistics upon another matter, I found that in 
the beginning, Pennsylvania and New Jersey stood very high in 
the productivity of the human family. In the days when the 
people were more widely separated, when the attractions of city 
life did not lure so many of the tillers of the soil from the farm 
into the "Great White Way," and when social blandishments 
were not so fascinating as now, the proportion of children to 
adult females, in Pennsylvania, was a little over two to one, and 
in New Jersey it was an even two to one. According to the 
census completed in 1910, while the population of the country 
had increased, the proportion of children to white females in 
Pennsylvania had decreased to one to one and a tenth, while 
in New Jersey, it stood as just one to one. In other words, 
New Jersey has gone back a little in the most important function 
of society. There is but one way to account for it — Governor 
Stokes persists in remaining single and my distinguished suc- 
cessor, Dr. Edward L. Duer, has removed to Pennsylvania. 
(Laughter.) 



Addresses, 191 i. 175 

I now lay down the gavel to one who honors alike the State 
of New Jersey in which he was born, and the great profession 
which he adorns in the State of his adoption. There may be a 
weak spot in the line of distinguished Presidents between my 
predecessors and my successor, but I am sure that no mistake 
has been made in the choice of Dr. Duer and that under his 
leadership the progress of the Society will be as conspicuous 
as it has been in the past. (Applause.) 

PrESident-EIvECT, Dr. Ebward L. Duer^ upon taking the 
chair amid a furore of applause, said : 

Gentlemen, I have not the gift of oratory or — what shall we 
call it? — loquacity of my immediate predecessor, else I would be 
delighted to express myself in like suitable terms. It goes with- 
out saying that I feel extremely honored by your compliment 
in asking me to be your standard bearer in the coming year. I 
thank you most cordially. I consider it a great honor; and 
when I reflect upon the men who preceded me in this position 
and who gave to this Society the dignity and importance it has 
attained, I appreciate the honor the more sincerely. 

My predecessor has paid just tribute to each of our former 
Presidents, so it remains for me only to pay like respects to him. 
Mr. Moore reminds me of a small dose of calomel I once pre- 
scribed for a very large man. He criticized the amount, but 
seeing him a few days later, he said to me, "Doctor, that was 

little, but, oh Lord ." (Merriment.) Now, it would be 

difficult to overestimate Mr. Moore's capabilities or accom- 
plishments. He is five hundred times bigger than he looks. 
Whether as a journalist, an occupant of an important munici- 
pal office, a maker of history in the House of Representatives, 
or as President of the Deeper Water Ways Commission, he 
has demonstrated his ability and usefulness; and if he succeeds 
in accomplishing elsewhere as much as he has in this Society, 
thousands of men and women throughout the country will rise 
up and call him blessed. 

Now, one thought upon a matter I have in mind. At the 
last business meeting, we arranged to admit additional mem- 



176 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

bers, increasing our number from 150 to 225; and having 
noticed that many of our associates are advanced in years and 
that there are few young men here, it occurred to me that it 
would be well to sandwich between the older members, more 
young blood. There is a large number of young men, well able 
to benefit by and be a benefit to an organization of this kind, 
who would be delighted to join it provided the Society would 
invite them. The door of opportunity is wider open to capable 
young men to-day than ever before in the history of the world, 
and those young men are fairly rushing through its portals. 
They occupy positions which were not accessible to them 
twenty-five years ago. They are in our counting rooms, at the 
head of large institutions, in the lead of our professions and are 
practically crowding the older men to the wall. Even our 
young farmers teach their fathers how to raise two blades of 
grass where only one would grow before. It becomes us to 
accept this situation gracefully; and we may concede that it is 
as it should be; and we look with sympathetic interest and 
kindly intent upon those who come fresh upon the scene, whose 
hopes are as high and whose ambitions are as seductive as those 
wihch led us first to effort. 

Now, gentlemen, it simply remains for me, after the method 
of our preachers, to pronounce this the end of the Fifth chapter 
of the First volume of the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

"All plays have ends and suppers too, 
And merriest moments take their flight; 
The clock strikes twelve, 

The evening's through — 

And even lovers say 'Good-night.' " 

(Long continued applause.) 

[Note — It here becomes the painful duty of the editor to record the fact 
that shortly after the speech by the new President, Dr. Edward L. Duer, he 
was stricken with an illness which continued for some duration and finally 
proved fatal, culminating in his death on September sth, 1916, and neces- 
sitating an interim election for President, resulting in the advent of Mr. 
Nathan T. Folwell as his successor.] 



ADDRESSES 

The Sixth Annual Banquet of the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania Avas held at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel, Philadelphia, 
on the evening of Wednesday, the eighteenth of December, 
191 2. The occasion was the One Hundred and Twenty-Fifth 
Anniversary of the ratification of the Constitution of the United 
States by New Jersey. 

The Banquet was largely attended by the members and 
their guests, who were all men of conspicuous importance in 
both State and National affairs. 

Intermingled in the banks of flowers which formed the 
background of the Speakers' table were State flags of New 
Jersey and Pennsylvania and the flag of the Society. 

The President oe the Society, Mr, Nathan T. Foi^weIvL, 
prefaced the speechmaking, amid applause, as follows: 

Gentlemen: — While politics has played no special part in our 
Society, we have always felt interested in the maintenance of 
policies which we believed essential to the welfare of the coun- 
try. The New Jersey Society, in the past, has been honored 
by the presence of distinguished statesmen and has welcomed, 
as guests, many representatives of opposite schools of political 
belief, among others the late Vice-President Sherman, the 
present Speaker of the House of Representatives, Mr. Clark, 
and ex-Speaker Cannon. I may be pardoned therefore for a 
brief reference to the recent change in the political situation. I 
feel like reviewing the past. 

The State of New Jersey has been honored by the selection 
of one of its citizens for the high office of President of the 
United States. While many of us differ with the President-elect 
in politics, we must not forget that he has been a school teacher 
and knows the value of learning. Before he was nominated for 
the Presidency he was an out-and-out Free Trader. He spoke 

(177) 

12 



178 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

at a meeting of the National Democratic Club in New York 
City and made the following statement : "When our resources 
were undeveloped there was much to be said of artificial stimu- 
lation and protection." And yet at that time how few of the 
Democratic party favored the Protective Policy ! He also said, 
"We are rich enough, we are safe enough in our prosperity, we 
are sure enough of our capacity, of our skill, of our resource- 
fulness, to set ourselves free at last." Now, he was speaking of 
our manufacturing, and the subject was Protection. His re- 
marks are not quite clear to me unless he meant "to set our- 
selves free" from high wages and good living, "free" to let our 
industries become paralyzed and our work people be thrown 
out of employment — which would naturally follow a free trade 
policy. After he was nominated he started out on his campaign 
and claimed that "The shackles should be taken off of our manu- 
facturers." Here again his meaning is not clear to me, as 
manufacturing is open to all, especially in the textile line. A 
short time before his election he promised that the business 
interests should not be disturbed, that no legitimate industry 
need have fear of any radical legislation. So you see that a 
marked change has come over his ideas, judging by his later 
speeches. He is willing to be enlightened; and here is where 
the schoolmaster comes in — willing to learn; not like the 
Judge, who knows it all. 

"Schedule K" has been damned by our President and others 
to such an extent that a great body of our people believe they are 
being robbed by our manufacturers. What are the facts ? There 
is absolutely no "trust" in the wool, woolen or worsted industry; 
no combination to control prices or production. The present tar- 
iff simply bars out from foreign countries most of the standard or 
popular fabrics and leaves the field open to the American Mills 
to compete with one another for the American trade. I make the 
statement without fear of contradiction that if the rates of duty 
were one hundred per cent, higher the consumers would not pay 
one cent more for their merchandise — simply because we have 
free competition. Why a target should be made of our industries 
let the incoming administration explain. 



Addresses, 19 12. 179 

The wages paid to the textile workers amount to $500,000,000 
annually ; and I am inclined to believe that the Democratic party 
will hesitate and think well before they paralyze one of the great- 
est manufacturing industries we have, if not from a patriotic 
standpoint, from selfish motives. The donkey has been eating 
straw for a long while. Now that he is at the corn crib he will 
naturally go slow, and I feel that he will not kick the props from 
under him by passing a measure anything like as radical as the 
late Underwood bill, which would either close mills or cause a 
big reduction in wages. 

I have called your attention to these facts, as my friend, Hon. 
J. Hampton Moore, believes the Democrats are going to put their 
foot intO' whatever they do, the same as they did in '92 and '93. 
He does not give them credit for being able to retain the loaves 
and fishes that have fallen into their lap. 

The Toastmaster, Hon. J. Hampton Moore, in his spirited 
introductory, which was heartily applauded, said: 

The New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania was conceived in a 
spirit of fraternity and patriotism and with the view of reminding 
the people of other sections that New Jersey still exists and oc- 
cupies a considerable space upon the map. It has tried to make 
them understand that most good things come out of New Jersey; 
and to-night it opens a new banqueting hall in Philadelphia, with 
native Jersey products, the like of which have not been excelled 
by any dinner in the history of the Society. We have duck from 
over there in Delanco, celery from down Atlantic City way, and 
delicacies fit for the palate of an epicure that have been gathered 
from all over the State. The committee organizing this enter- 
tainment have surely spared no^ pains to gratify our appetites. 

To be sure, New Jersey has just given to the nation a Presi- 
dent of the United States; and that incident doubtless impelled 
the President-elect of the Society, Mr. Folwell, to discuss a ques- 
tion of vital interest, affecting the future of the country, in which 
he is deeply concerned. But the proprieties of this occasion pre- 
clude the Toastmaster from introducing politics in any phase. 
(Laughter.) Otherwise, he might disturb gentlemen of pro- 



i8o New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

nounced convictions like the Hon. George W. Roydhouse, whose 
business interests have identified him with the development of 
Pennsylvania as well as of New Jersey; and such a discussion 
would positively shock Mr. Richard Campion, a former President 
of this Society, whom I will not offend by intimating- that he 
knows absolutely nothing about Schedule K. (Merriment.) 

(Mr. Roydhouse, referring to the dinner of last year, good- 
naturedly remarked that he thought if there were any more stand- 
pat speeches, some one would leave the hall ; and the Toastmaster 
contributed to the merriment by retorting that Mr. Roydhouse 
was anticipating what might happen to him if he interrupted the 
Toastmaster again.) 

As our President has told you, great men have come to this 
board. The various committees in charge of our dinners have 
usually been successful in securing the attendance of orators of 
National repute, and the present committee has not failed in that 
respect. My distinguished friends in Congress — Mr. Kahn, of 
California; Mr. Witherspoon, of Mississippi; and Mr. Covington, 
of Maryland — who^ came over from Washington this afternoon, 
have had no time to prepare speeches, nor to delve into Jersey 
history and familiarize themselves with our traditions, because 
we have all been busy in Washington — the Democrats and the 
lone Republicans — wrestling with questions of grave import. 
This very day, the Democrats now in control of the House, by a 
very skillful application of "the steam roller" on the immigrant 
question, succeeded as far as they could in preventing certain of 
those who seek a haven there from reaching the shores of New 
Jersey. Possibly our friends, though unprepared, however, may 
find texts for this occasion; and I know whatever they say will 
be attractive to you. 

For myself, having accepted at a moment's notice the very 
pleasant duties of Toastmaster, with which our President-elect 
has honored me, and sincerely regretting the absence O'f our re- 
tiring President, Dr. Duer, I will preface my call upon the first 
speaker by saying that New Jersey is proud of the natives of her 
soil who have gone out into every section and aided in the ma- 



AddrkssiSs, 19 1 2. 181 

terial development of the States of the Union. We find them in 
every valley and upon every hilltop, engaged in the activities and 
stimulating the energies of American life. We find them in posi- 
tions of honor and in the halls of the State Legislatures; many 
of them have made their names distinguished in the National 
Councils, and one of them will soon enter the White House. 
Sometimes they migrated westward and sometimes southward. 
The Witherspoons came out of New Jersey. They were a 
famous family in their day. They participated in the govern- 
mental framework of the great commonwealth which we honor 
to-night and in both political and educational circles were con- 
spicuous. One of them migrated to the South and was identified 
with the people there. A descendant of his, a Representative in 
the National House from the old southern State of Mississippi, 
sits at this board to-night. He comes here with Jersey flavor 
and the fine, sweet accent of the South, animated by those patri- 
otic impulses which it is our hope that our sons may emulate 
wherever they go. This gentleman is gratefully remembered for 
the part he took, in the House of Representatives, in aid of a 
small appropriation for the preservation of the flags of the Union 
and of several of the States — those trophies of war which revive 
memories of American valor; of our Burlington Captain Law- 
rence, who, when carried below on the Chesapeake, immortalized 
himself by exclaiming "Don't give up the ship" ; of Commodore 
Perry, after his great victory on Lake Erie ; and of many gallant 
heroes whose deeds carry us back to the period when the flag gave 
warning: "Don't tread on me." 

When there was some opposition among our Southern 
brethren to that small appropriation, this gentleman rose in his 
place among his party associates, and made an appeal which in- 
spired every patriot in the House and caused them to rise and 
shout their pleasure. 

We welcome the South, that glorious section, rich in resources 
and full of promise, which only awaits additional capital and 
greater individual activity to make it as throbbing an industrial 
centre as is this great eastern coast of ours ; and present the Hon. 
Samuel A. Witherspoon, Representative in Congress from Miss- 
issippi. (Applause.) 



i82 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Congressman Witherspoon was cordially greeted. Address- 
ing the President, the Toastmaster and the members of the So- 
ciety he spoke amid applause as follows : 

It is for me a rare pleasure and a high privilege to share in 
this enjoyment and to contribute, if I can, tO' the happiness of this 
gathering. Is has been my good fortune to attend the annual 
banquets of several societies similar to your own, in the large 
cities of the Union, where people of my own State had gone to 
reside, and to observe the pleasure with which recollections of 
their old homes and pride in their adopted ones were blended in 
the festivities of those occasions. 

These social organizations of citizens of one State who' have 
gone to live in the larger cities of other States have become so 
general in our country that they emphasize a condition which is 
a potent factor in the moral and religious development of our 
great centers of trade. It is a fact ( and it is always brave to ac- 
knowledge an unwelcome truth) that where great multitudes of 
men and women are massed together in urban life, there is an 
inevitable development of immorality and vice. Instances may 
be cited in which this evil tendency, when unrestrained by coun- 
ter influences, has been destructive of the virtue and the patriot- 
ism of the people and has caused the downfall of many of the 
greatest cities of history. Without stopping to point out the 
causes of this evil tendency of city life, I merely wish to submit 
that one of the most potent moral counterforces in resisting and 
overcoming it, is the constant influx of new blood, new energy, 
new life and new virtue from the surrounding country, pouring 
in like a stream of pure water into the stagnant pools of urban 
life. There were two cities of the plain, as we learn, in the dawn 
of history, that closed their gates against the admission of 
strangers ; and both became so wicked that an angry God destroy- 
ed them with brimstone and fire. If the great city of Philadelphia 
had marked her corporate limits with an impassable wall and de- 
nied entrance from without, the moral and religious influences of 
her life might have saved her from the fate of Sodom and 
Gomorrah, but she could not have justly boasted of that exalted 
civilization to which you have contributed and which has made 



Addresses, 19 12. 183 

her, in every section of the Union, the pride of America. There- 
fore, gentlemen, while congratulating you, the members of this 
Society, upon the advantages, the opportunities, and the blessings 
you enjoy as Philadelphians, I congratulate the great City of 
Brotherly I^ove upon the contribution which you have made to her 
progress and the part you have taken in her elevation tO' the high 
position she deservedly holds among American cities. 

That which impressed me most favorably in your invitation 
to be with you tonight was the statement that you had selected 
as the time for your annual banquet the anniversary of the day 
on which New Jersey ratified the Federal Constitution. That 
was the greatest of all days in the annals of human liberty— the 
day on which the brain of man made its greatest contribution 
to the happiness of the human race — the day on which hope 
sprang eternal in the human breast and the day when memory 
bade her last farewell to the despotism of the past. The most 
striking feature of the Federal Constitution, and that which 
demonstrates its highest wisdom, is not so much its comprehen- 
sive and judicious provisions for good government as its bal- 
ance of power and its wonderful safeguards against the evils 
which had beset the life of popular government and resulted in 
the downfall of the republics of history. It averted one of those 
dangers by recognizing the fact that a great central govern- 
ment, however well equipped to deal with matters of general 
concern and common interest, is incapacitated to settle those 
minor questions that are peculiar to and intimately connected 
with the welfare and interest of the people in different localities ; 
for wherever a great central government attempts to solve these 
local problems its efforts result in dissatisfaction, discontent and 
failure. This inherent difficulty of government divided the 
framers of our Constitution into two classes of political thought, 
one preferring that all power should be lodged in one great 
central source, and the other contending that powers not ex- 
pressly delegated should be reserved to the States. The dangers 
feared from this consolidation of power explain the hesitation 
and reluctance with which the State of New Jersey and other 
small States of the Union ratified the Federal Constitution, But 



184 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

the difficulty was overcome and' the problem was solved by the 
adoption of that unique and original conception of a dual form 
of government by which the States reserved the right to control 
all matters of local concern peculiar to themselves while the 
Federal government was intrusted with all matters of common 
and universal interest. In this conception of a dual form of 
government lies, in my judgment, the high wisdom of the 
framers of our Constitution ; and upon a strict adherence to this 
fundamental distinction and rigid observances of the principle 
enunciated by our fathers depends the ultimate destiny of the 
Republic. The frequent instances in which this great funda- 
mental distinction of our government has been ignored and 
repudiated is just cause for alarm to all patriots of the Union, 
and loudly appeals to those who believe in the wisdom of the 
Constitution and wish to preserve the autonomy of the States as 
prescribed and fixed therein. The wisdom of the Fathers in 
providing this safeguard has been forgotten in the general drift 
of the decisions of the Federal Courts enlarging the Federal 
jurisdiction and most flagrantly by the present Congress in legis- 
lating upon State primary elections without the semblance of 
authority, and in proposing to so amend the Federal Constitu- 
tion as to transfer to the General Government from each State 
the power to choose in its town way its United States Senators. 
There can be no "indissoluble Union of indestructible States" 
for which Webster pleaded, if the States are destroyed ; and all 
encroachments upon their functions must be resisted if the 
Union is to be preserved. 

Betsy Ross, who imbedded the stars representing the orig- 
inal members of the Union in a background of blue upon our 
first flag, taught us a lesson we should never forget. That was 
the expression in color of the inspiration which gave birth to 
our form of government. The significance and meaning oi the 
stars in the blue is that the States of the Federal Union preserve 
their individuality and reflect their light like the stars of 
heaven. The glowing tints upon the cheeks of the flower must 
fade and disappear; the crimson glow of the sunlight on the 
frowning cloud is fleeting and short; the beautiful green with 



Addresses, 19 12. 185 

which nature robes her leaves and grasses soon changes to the 
colors of decay and death, but when God created the heavens 
He painted the sky with His own fadeless blue; and the paint 
brush, dropping into the wide, deep sea gave it the same immor- 
tal hue. If you would strike from the heavens the bright stars 
that shine there no human eye would be able to penetrate the 
darkness and the gloom of night and observe the beautiful blue 
above. So if you would strike from the American flag the stars 
that glitter there with the name of each member of the Union, 
the beauty and significance of that great emblem of human 
liberty would disappear in the darkness of failure and political 
despair. 

In all the controversies of the past with reference to the 
real relation of the States to the Federal Government, and in 
all other political questions that divide us into parties and create 
such radical differences of opinion, the only hope of their ulti- 
mate solution for the good of the country, in my judgment, is 
the patriotism of the American people. Self-interest, anger and 
ill-will have always led us into error. The lamp of love is the 
only light that can guide us to the truth. All of my optimism 
for the good of my country is linked to my belief in the intelli- 
gent, broad and deep patriotism of the American people — a 
patriotism which should be sufficiently intelligent to compre- 
hend the dual nature of our government and the wisdom of 
its provisions, safeguards and balances; which should be as 
broad as the confines of the Union; and which should be as 
deep as the sacrifice of all individual interests to the good of" 
the country. If you were to ask me to define my conception 
of how broad the patriotism of the citizen should be, I would 
answer you in the eloquent language of a great Southern orator, 
who said upon the floor of the House of Representatives : "I 
can take every man in this broad land by the hand and say, 
'This is my fellow-citizen' ; I can look upon every foot of Ameri- 
can soil and thank God that it is a part of my country; I can 
raise my vision to the uttermost boundaries of the Republic and 
say, 'My country, my whole country — blessed is he that blesseth 
thee, and cursed is he that curseth thee.' " 



i86 New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

If the patriotism of an American is not broad enough to 
encircle every citizen of the RepubHc, whether he be rich or 
poor, whether he be high or low, whether he be humble or 
great; if it be not broad enough to warm with its fervor every 
foot of American soil, however distant it may be located; if his 
patriotism cannot bless with its warm love every man who seeks 
to promote the welfare and glory of his country and to face 
with its indignant curse all the enemies of his native land, then 
that patriotism is lacking in that element which is the only 
guarantee of the triumph of justice and right in our govern- 
ment. 

If you would ask me for a test of how deep this patriotism 
should be I would answer you in the ever-living words of a 
great son of New Jersey. Early in the eighteenth century a 
family deeply religious and devoted to human liberty, dissatis- 
fied with existing conditions, shifted its abode from England 
into Scotland and thence into Ireland. Einally one of that 
family abandoned the shores of the old country and took up his 
residence in the State of New Jersey. He became the President 
of the great University of your State and a member of the 
Continental Congress. In the dark hours of that long Revolu- 
tionary struggle, when the price of patriotism was the danger 
of being executed for treason, when many of the faint-hearted 
became deserters and others were ready to surrender, he voiced 
his patriotism in these memorable words : "Of property I have 
some, of reputation more; and that property and that reputation 
are staked upon the issue of this crisis ; and while my grey hairs 
will soon descend into the sepulchre, I would infinitely rather 
they would go thither at the hands of the executioner than at 
this crisis to desert the sacred cause of my country." It is only 
that genuine spirit of patriotism which is willing to sacrifice 
reputation, property and life itself upon the altar of one's coun- 
try that is a guarantee of the triumph of popular government. 

A few days after that distinguished patriot of New Jersey had 
made that declaration another member of the family, a cousin 
of his, impelled by the same devotion to religious liberty and 
political freedom, abandoned the land of persecution and found 



Addresses, 19 12. 187 

an abode upon the wild banks of the Pedee River in South 
CaroHna. His descendants may now be found scattered all 
through the Southern States. Their hearts have ever glowed 
with the same patriotic spirit that animated his ; and their devo- 
tion to political and religious liberty has never weakened, but 
has grown more intense and has caught new lustre with the 
flight of years. Among all the vicissitudes and changes of 
more than a century, amid all the bitterness of party strife and 
sectional contention, in all the gloom of a great civil war, their 
love of liberty and their devotion to the country which promises 
to give us justice, right and equality has strengthened in the 
hearts of his descendants. And I stand here tonight as a remote 
descendant of the Southern wing of the family to reiterate that 
expression of New Jersey's patriotism which fell from the lips 
of your distinguished countryman and to say that, so far as the 
South is concerned, you will always find her sons ready and 
willing to sacrifice property, reputation and life itself for the 
good of their country and the glory of its flag. (Long con- 
tinued applause.) 

The Toastmaster: It was unnecessary for our eloquent 
friend to mention the name of the distinguished New Jersey 
patriot of whom he spoke. Gentlemen, I now ask you to rise 
and honor the memory of John Witherspoon. 

(The company responded by rising and honoring the toast 
in respectful silence.) 

The Toastmaster : Gentlemen, we of the East have one ad- 
vantage over the next speaker. We are content that most good 
things come out of New Jersey, but our guest boasts of the 
magnificent Golden Gate, of the richness of his State, of its 
delightful climate, and, above all, of the glorious sunsets out on 
the Pacific. We have this advantage over him who thus comes 
from the far West. The sun rises with us and "we see it first." 
(Laughter.) 

This gentleman is the foremost champion of that great 
Exposition that is to celebrate, in San Francisco, the opening of 



i88 Ni;w Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

the Panama Canal, and to which you are all going- in a couple 
of years. He is an ideal representative of the great Pacific 
Slope — a good Republican as our friend who preceded him was 
a good Democrat — the Hon. Julius Kahn, of California. (Ap- 
plause.) 

Congressman Kahn responded with characteristic humor and 
force. Addressing the President, the Toastmaster, the members 
and guests of the Society, he spoke, amid ripples of merriment 
and applause, as follows : 

I have often envied the men from the South for their oratory 
and that beautiful flow of language which distinguishes them. 
We from the West, in our rough way, cannot begin to paint word 
pictures as they do. It has been my good fortune to have known 
and heard many men from Mississippi and to have absorbed the 
words of wisdom that fell from their lips. I remember par- 
ticularly a speech delivered in the House of Representatives by 
a former member from that State, Private John Allen. He had 
gone into the Confederate army, fought throughout the war be- 
tween the States and, at the end of the struggle, was still in the 
ranks. He gloried in the fact that he was still a private where 
there were so many colonels, majors and captains, and he wanted 
everybody to call him "Private John Allen." After representing 
a Mississippi district for sixteen years in the House, he had de- 
clined a renomination ; but he determined that future generations 
should know that such a man as Private John Allen had repre- 
sented the Tupelo district in Congress; and so he decided that 
the monument to his memory should partake of the character 
of a fish hatchery. "Uncle Joe" Cannon was then the watch-dog 
of the treasury, and he did not take kindly to the proposition 
that $20,000 should be appropriated for a fish hatchery at Tupelo ; 
but, after listening to much persuasive Mississippi eloquence, he 
agreed that John Allen should have an opportunity to explain 
the necessity for the appropriation. When the proper time for 
the consideration of amendments to the bill was reached Private 
Allen sent up to the Clerk's desk an item which read, "For a fish 
hatchery at Tupelo, Mississippi, $20,000." The point of order 



Addresses, 19 12. 189 

which could have been made against it was reserved in order 
that its author might explain this important measure. John 
took the floor and said substantially this : "Mr. Chairman, when 
Christopher Columbus started out on his memorable voyage of 
discovery and left the little port of Palos, in Spain, on that bright 
August morning in 1492, he had in his mind's eye the very spot 
upon which Tupelo was located, but failed in his quest. Later on, 
when Ponce de Leon started out to find the fountain of eternal 
youth, he too had in his mind's eye the very location of Tupelo, 
but he also failed. It remained for a more fortunate explorer to 
locate that thriving, hustling, bustling community. And Tupelo 
grew, developed and expanded. Later it became evident that the 
South would secede from the North, and just about that time 
a very notable interview took place in the City of Washington 
between the immortal Abraham Lincoln and the distinguished 
Horace Greeley. If the world could know just exactly what was 
said at that interview the fact would be disclosed that the im- 
mortal Abraham said to the distinguished Horace, "I don't really 
care if the South does secede so long as they don't take Tupelo 
with them." But the inevitable occurred. Mississippi went out 
of the Union and Tupelo went with it. Then the North de- 
termined to recapture it. They sent an army under a man named 
Grant to take it, and the South sent an army under General Albert 
Sidney Johnson to prevent its capture. I, Mr. Chairman, was a 
member of Johnson's army. The two armies met at Shiloh ; and 
if General Albert Sidney Johnson had not been killed, and if I 
had not become scattered, the Lord only knows what would have 
happened. But Tupelo fell and after that the South lost heart 
and couldn't do much more fighting. Mr. Chairman, give us 
this fish hatchery. Thousands of fish will travel hundreds of 
miles overland to deposit their spawn in the waters near Tupelo, 
and millions of fish yet unborn are clamoring for the opportunity 
to be hatched at this illustrious hatchery whose cause I am now 
pleading." 

Gentlemen, I want to say to you frankly that the House could 
not withstand this pathetic appeal. It was too irresistible. He 
got his $20,000. However, I believe the sequel came in the next 



190 New Jersky Society oe Pennsylvania. 

session of Congress. I think we had to appropriate $20,000 more 
to dredge the river at Tupelo so that the fish might swim dowti 
the stream. I just mention this incidentally to show you how 
persuasive and eloquent these Southerners are when they come to 
Congress to ask for something. 

Mr. Toastmaster, I am reminded that your organization meets 
upon the anniversary of the ratification of the Federal Constitu- 
tion by the State of New Jersey. I congratulate you upon having 
selected that day for your annual dinner. Nowadays it is all too 
common to hear the Federal Constitution belittled and attacked. 
It is the corner-stone of our liberty. Its system of checks and 
balances has always preserved the rights of minorities. The 
preservation of those rights is all important in a republic. For a 
century and a quarter it has stood for all that Americans hold 
dear. It adapted itself to every new condition that arose in our 
history. We have grown under it from a small republic along 
the shores of the Atlantic, with three millions of people, to a 
mighty nation of forty-eight States, stretching from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific, with a population of ninety-five millions of free- 
men. The fathers of the Republic, with lessons of the past to 
guide them, declared for representative government. But we 
have many political doctors in these days who- seek to hand out 
nostrums to our people in order that the Constitution may be 
changed materially — in order that innovations in our form of 
government may be instituted. The initiative, the referendum 
and the recall are held up as panaceas for all governmental ills. 
We whO' oppose that sort of thing are called "reactionaries." I 
want to say that, in my opinion, the men who favor such theories 
are the true reactionaries because those very doctrines were tried 
in the republics of Greece and in Rome- thousands of years ago. 
The Grecian and Roman republics fell because they did not have 
representative government. (Applause and a feeble counter 
demonstration.) 

My friends, I don't quarrel with any man who differs from 
me; I would not stoop to hiss a speaker for uttering a sentiment 
in which I did not concur, because — thank God — I live in a free 
country where free speech and a free press are cardinal principles 



Addresses, 19 12. 191 

of our government. I have always dared to speak the truth that 
was within me; and, while jealous of my own rights, I have 
always respected the rights of others. I thank God, too, that 
I am not as intolerant as some of those who profess to believe in 
these much heralded, but questionable constitutional reforms. 

Now, these new "nostrums," as I call them, have been tried 
in some of our communities. I believe they have been found 
wanting in most every instance. The Mayor of Oakland, Cali- 
fornia, was at one time, I believe, a very strong advocate of the 
recall. I am told that he is not now — they tried to recall him! 
He believed that he had made a good official ; and I too believe 
he had made a good official; but under this new nostrum it be- 
came possible for three thousand citizens of Oakland, of whom 
twenty-four hundred were not upon the assessment roll, and the 
total amount of taxes paid by the other six hundred was only 
$12,000, while the other citizens of the community paid two 
millions of dollars in annual taxes, it became possible, I repeat, 
for those three thousand people to put this Mayor to the test 
of the recall. And the recall election cost the City of Oakland 
$15,000; which the taxpayers had to pay in order that they 
might try out this new political nostrum. They don't like it 
quite so well now as they did at first. Take the City of Tacoma 
as another illustration. Tacoma decided to amend her charter, 
and she put these initiative, referendum and recall provisions in 
it. They had a Mayor there who was trying to enforce the law. 
A prize fight was advertised to take place one night, and the 
Mayor said that that prize fight should not occur. He went to 
the hall where it was to be "pulled off," as they expressed it; he 
got upon the stage and declared that he would order the police 
to raid the place if those present would allow that fight to pro- 
ceed. The crowd went out. They were mad clean through. 
They immediately went down into the heart of the city, and 
that night got the signatures to petitions tO' recall him. They 
had a recall election. At the first election there was not a ma- 
jority against him, but ten days later, under their charter pro- 
vision, they had another election and that time they recalled him 
— recalled him because he was trying to enforce the law, because 



192 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

he was trying to do his duty. And yet we who do not favor that 
sort of thing are called "reactionary." Mr. Toastmaster, I feel 
that we can afford to stand by the good old Constitution. It has 
weathered every storm. It has always brought us to a haven of 
safety; and I for one will never give my assent to these quack 
nostrums that so many alleged statesmen are trying to force 
down the throats of the American people. 

In recent years it has become necessary bitterly to abuse men 
in public life who happen to have views and whose opinions do 
not coincide with the ideas of their detractors. In the last four 
or five years the muckraker has wielded a potent influence in this 
country. He has succeeded frequently in befogging the issues. 
But when I look back upon the pages of our history I find that 
the men whose memory we honor and cherish and revere were 
lilcewise the objects of the virulent attacks of the muckraker. 
The immortal Washington, in his day, did not escape. Adams, 
Jefferson, Jackson and the lamented Lincoln were all abused and 
villified. Their lives were embittered by the muckrakers of their 
respective generations. Washington, whose greatness as a states- 
man impresses us the more we study his life and character, prob- 
ably felt these attacks more keenly than any other man in our 
public life. Jefferson, who was supposed to be among the fore- 
most in advocating the freedom of the press, when writing to a 
friend, said in effect that he hoped the contents of his letter would 
not be given to the newspapers, for it would lead to a bear garden 
controversy in which he did not desire to participate. He also 
wrote that he had come to the conclusion that after all the only 
thing that was true in newspapers was the advertisements. But 
fortunately a better spirit is beginning to assert itself in this 
Republic. The attacks of the muckraker are falling- unheeded, and 
public men to-day are being considered more and more for what 
they are and for what they have accomplished. That, after all, 
is and should be the true criterion of American citizenship. 

I am glad that you gentlemen started in the right direction 
when you left New Jersey. You went west. But we Californians 
believe you did not go far enough west. We hope that, if you have 



Addresses, 19 12. 193 

not already been out there where the broad Pacific leaves our 
western shores, you may some day make the trip. We know that 
you will be enchanted by all that you will see. The West is a 
glorious empire that beckons you. We extend you a cordial in- 
vitation to be with us at least during our great Panama-Pacific 
International Exposition. We feel satisfied that you are going 
to help us to a certain extent ; for we feel that the appeal of the 
five hundred thousand children of San FranciscO' and the State 
of California to send the Old Liberty Bell to our Exposition, in 
191 5, will not fall on deaf ears. Oh, it is a splendid thing to stir 
the patriotism of the American people. In my judgment you 
gentlemen can accomplish a great purpose by allowing that old 
bell to go across the continent so that our children may see it and 
learn the lessons of liberty which it teaches to all citizens. We 
will take good care of it. Its glory will not be diminished when 
it comes back to you, but on the contrary, hundreds of thousands 
of proud American citizens will have gladly availed themselves 
of the opportunity tO' gaze upon it, perchance to touch it and, by 
that touch, to feel the inspiration that must come to- them when 
they think of the glad tidings of liberty which it proclaimed 
throughout the land, to all the inhabitants thereof. We believe 
that with the opening of the Panama Canal a new era of pros- 
perity will dawn upon us. We anticipate that with the completion 
of that great engineering feat hundreds of thousands of im- 
migrants will come to the West and help us to develop our ter- 
ritory as they have helped you develop this section of our country. 
We feel that with the opening of that great waterway the 
beautiful word picture of our poet of the Sierras, Joaquin Miller, 
will be realized, when he said : 

"Dared I to speak a prophecy, as sang the learned men of old, 
Of rock built cities yet to be along these shining shores of gold, 
Crowding athirst into the sea, what wondrous marvels might be told. 
Enough to know that Empire here will burn her loftiest, brightest star ; 
Here Art and Eloquence will reign as o'er the wolf-reared realm of old. 
Here learned and famous from afar to pay their noble court shall come 
And shall not seek nor see in vain, but gaze on all with wonder dumb." 
[Applause.] 
13 



194 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

The Toastmaster: And so, gentlemen, we extend hands 
across this broad land of ours, from the Jersey coast to California. 
We have been appealed to for the loan of the Old Liberty Bell 
— that precious heritage of the nation, which our forefathers left 
in our keeping, the pride and inspiration of every American. 
Why not let it go to San Francisco to arouse, all along the line, 
the patriotism of the people and, among the children of the 
country, that love and affection for our institutions which we 
would have them cherish ? Our City takes no risk — the bell will 
be safeguarded on its way. The name of Philadelphia will be 
heralded from one end of this land tO' the other; and thousands 
of men, women and children will come from the towns, the vil- 
lages, the hillsides and the hamlets to gaze upon, if not to touch, 
that time honored symbol of liberty. Let it go! (Applause.) 

The lesson of the Liberty Bell has not been forgotten nor the 
stars in our flag obscured in our little, but popular and powerful 
State of New Jersey; and both find expression here to-night in 
one personality. I have but one fault to find with this gentleman 
— and, as this is purely political, I hope our Democratic friends 
will excuse me — he is more responsible perhaps than any other 
man for the new occupant of the White House, for if he had 
remained in the Governor's chair in New Jersey, where this 
Society desired to keep him, Woodrow Wilson would not have 
been Governor of New Jersey, and without being Governor of 
that State it would have been impossible for him to become 
President. It is the fault of Governor Stokes that the Repub- 
licans of the country are in the fix in which they find themselves. 
(Laughter.) But, speaking of stars, has he not been our bright 
particular star since the memory of man runneth not tO' the con- 
trary; and, speaking of the bell, have not his clarion tones rang 
out superior to all others in our State not only upon festive, but 
solemn occasions as well? Let Governor Stokes speak for him- 
self. (Applause.) 

The greeting of the ex-Governor was most enthusiastic, the 
company rising in a furore of cheers. Outbursts of merriment 
and applause alternated throughout his humorous and forceful 
address. He said : 



Addresses, 19 12. 195 

Mr. Toastmaster and Friends: — I do not forget that the hour 
is late, that the sun which rises over the eastern inland water- 
way of Hampton Moore has already journeyed far upon its way 
to the Golden Gate and that I have been told, although it is hard 
to believe, that a better speaker is to follow those who have pre- 
ceded me. I do not want to enter into a discussion with our 
eloquent Toastmaster, but I object to the imputation of being a 
deserter ; and when he charges me with responsibility for the pres- 
ent political condition in this country because I left the Guber- 
natorial chair at Trenton, I want to say, in response, that that 
dereliction on my part was due to the reactionary tendency of a 
constitution which has been defended here to-night. The Lord 
knows I wanted tO' stay, but this Constitution that is the pal- 
ladium of our liberties said that I must retire at the end of three 
years. 

The Toastmaster : Why not re-enlist ? 

Mr. Stokes — Wait until the time comes. 

Nor do I forget that I am such an "annual" on these occa- 
sions that my appearance is more a test of patience than a source 
of novelty. (Cries of "oh, no.") I sometimees fear, Mr. Toast- 
master, that when I rise upon these occasions some one of you will 
put to me the question which the impatient husband addressed 
to his garrulous wife. She was an incessant talker. She talked 
all day, she talked all night and she invariably talked her hus- 
band to sleep. One night he was wakened by her chatter in the 
midnight hours and raising himself upon his elbow, he said, "My 
dear, are you talking yet or again?" 

Now, I have not the advantage to-night of the distinguished 
speakers who have preceded me, nor of the distinguished speaker 
who is to follow. They all come here certified with official 
honors ; they are all in office ; I am only a private citizen; Most 
Republicans are since last election. There are some advantages 
in that. The other day I saw a very interesting cartoon. In the 
foreground was a drum, representing the stage of activity in 
national affairs flashing with electrical charges ; and upon it was 
the Democratic donkey performing involuntarily under the stim- 



196 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

ulus of electrical impulse. I never could understand why the 
Democratic Party selected the donkey as its patron saint, unless 
it was because that animal never dies. But here was this donkey 
involuntarily performing; and at a little distance, seated in an 
invalid chair, was the Republican elephant. One eye was gone, 
the other was half closed. Its trunk was wrapped in bandages, 
one fore leg and one hind leg were done up in splints, and its tail 
had been eaten off by the bull-moose. As it looked upon the in- 
voluntary and absurd antics of this donkey the cartoonist had 
made it say, in an inscription above its head, "Well, there are 
some advantages in being in the audience." So there are some ad- 
vantages in being a private citizen if you still live in the great 
State of New Jersey. 

The Toastmaster to-night said not once, but twice, that good 
things comes out of New Jersey. That is a subtle way he has of 
paying a deserved compliment to himself. But good things re- 
main in New Jersey; and those who stay there are just as efficient 
as those who have left their country for their country's good and 
who once a year gather around, in this banquet hall, to praise the 
little State that, despite their absence, grows in prosperity and 
virtue and, with the skill of a Burbank, develops the President of 
a University into the President of a Nation. Virginia must look 
to her laurels. She may be able to start the seedling, but it has 
to be transplanted to Jersey soil tO' bear the perfect fruit. Why, 
you cannot prophesy the good things that may come to a man 
who settles on Jersey soil. I left Pennsylvania, and settled there 
myself; and, Mr. Toastmaster, I have known a summer home in 
New Jersey to reform even a Philadelphia politician. If the 
Mayor were here to-night I would suggest to him, by way of 
kindly advice, that he rent a number of New Jersey summer 
homes for the recalcitrant members of the Philadelphia Council. 
New Jersey hospitality is open to all, unlike that of the London 
cabman. He was approached by a good, pious lady of missionary 
spirit who handed him a tract and asked him: to^ read it. He 
looked at it, shook his head, handed it back and said, "Excuse 
me. Madam, I am a married man." She blushed and fled in con- 
fusion when she read the title "Abide with me." 



Addresses, 1912. 197 

Mr. Congressman Kahn, you said to-night that Columbus had 
his eye upon some great Southern port when he started from 
Spain. Why, back in the early part of the seventeenth century 
the nation makers of the world had their eyes upon the shores 
of Jersey. When the Pilgrim' Fathers sailed from Dels-haven 
they aimed to settle upon New Jersey shores ; and it was only ad- 
verse winds that drove them to bleak New England and saved 
New Jersey from the fate of burning witches and exiling Quak- 
ers. And but for those adverse winds William Penn would never 
have been one of the proprietors of West Jersey or the founder 
of the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and have given a 
sturdiness and strength of character to the people of both these 
States surpassed by no other section in the Union, Many evils 
has New Jersey escaped since this first good fortune of adverse 
winds. New York and Philadelphia were good enough to settle 
outside of her borders; but they send to her, as commuters, the 
cream of their citizenship and their manhood; and so she enjoys 
the virtues of both without the vices of either. 

No wonder that this little State of ours, which gave Pennsyl- 
vania her great statesman here (glancing at Toastmaster Moore), 
has gained in population, in actual numbers, more than any other 
State in the Union save five. No wonder that, through her rail- 
roads and her terminals, she gathers the trade and commerce of 
a Nation and through her attractive resorts the citizenship of 
the world. No wonder that the value of the output of her fac- 
tories and her workshops to-day is greater than the total value 
of all the workshops and the factories of this great Nation in 
1850. Such a State has a right to> lead the Inaugural Parade at 
the Capitol of the Nation and say to her sister States, "Just as 
in the early days we educated Madison at one of our colleges, 
through whose influence Virginia came into the Uliion, so to- 
day, from the same Alma Mater, we give you the highest type 
of our scholastic fellowship, born in the South, reared in the 
North, tO' weld together a united country into a union of perfect 
brotherhood between the blue and the gray." My friends, what- 
ever the differences in the last campaign, and I understand there 
were some — a campaign in some respects not altogether creditable 



198 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

to the American people — the President-elect of this Nation re- 
mained calm and serene and represented the dignity and poise o£ 
that contest. He disdained to notice personal attacks and — 
whether we agree with his principles or not — he typified what the 
American people love in their public officials, a dignity of charac- 
ter that neither gives nor takes offence. Such characters as that 
come up at every crisis in our Nation. 

I like to strike a note of optimism in a time of doubt and 
anxiety, when men are trembling between the fear, largely ex- 
aggerated, of great corporate power and wealth on the one side 
and discontent and writhing socialism on the other. When the 
Jersey boys were about to lead the attacking brigade at Fred- 
ericksburg, General Kimball said to them, before the order for 
advance was given "Remember you are Jerseymen." To-night, 
as we face problems that threaten our constitutional safeguards, 
and as we hear the muckraker and the demagogue attacking suc- 
cessful business enterprises, abusing prominent men of business 
and political success, bewailing the degeneracy of American ideals 
and the placing of the dollar above the man, shall we not 
remember that we are Americans and that American character 
has stood the test in every crisis ? Strange how history repeats 
itself and how soon we forget. In the day gone by the business 
men of this country were accused of a lack of courage and of sub- 
serviency to their financial welfare and business security — charges 
that sound strangely familiar to-day. Old John Adams, in 1774, 
left this City of Philadelphia in disgust because, he said, it was 
too contented and happy ever to be stirred by the spirit of patriot- 
ism for which you (Congressman Witherspoon) have so elo- 
quently pleaded; and he did not think he would ever visit this 
place again. And yet the very men who in that day were accused 
of a love of ease and a greed for wealth too great to be stirred 
by the spirit of independence were the men who left their homes, 
shouldered their muskets and suffered the hardships of a Morris- 
town and a Valley Forge for the abstract principle of "No Tax- 
ation without Representation"; and this City of Philadelphia, 
which John Adams condemned as subservient and content, became 
the cradle of our liberties under this Old Liberty Bell ; and John 



Addresse;s, 19 1 2. 199 

Adams did come back here and he and his colleagues pledged 
their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honors to the cause of 
independence. And out of this same City of Philadelphia there 
came a man of wealth, who would have been condemned to-day 
by the muckraker — Robert Morris, the financier — who gave all of 
his fortune and who went to a bankrupt's court that patriotism 
and liberty might triumph. 

Two generations pass and we face the problem of whether 
government by the people can long survive. Again we hear 
this charge against the American business man that he is so 
eager in the quest of money that he is willing to condone 
slavery in order to sell the goods. But the sound of Sumter's 
guns proved how baseless were these tirades against American 
character; and the very men who were accused of selfishness 
and greed leave their work shops, their factories, their brokers' 
offices and their banking houses — aye and the marts of the 
money trust — and go down to the front and pledge their lives 
and their fortunes that the Union may survive. Splendid vindi- 
cation of the fact that America is ruled by lofty ideals ! 

Two generations again pass and the cry of distress is heard 
at our very doorsteps from the oppressed people of Cuba. 
Again we hear that same old voice of accusation that American 
character lacks chivalry and humanity. We are told that Wall 
Street does not want a war, that these gentlemen at Washington 
are under its influence and that they dare not raise their hands 
in behalf of an oppressed people. The gentle, lovable McKinley 
— the gentlest President this nation has known in modern days 
— is cartooned in a felon's garb as the tool of the money interest, 
while with a martyr's patience he bides the time when proper 
preparation can be made and we can strike with the approval 
of all mankind. The hour of test came, as it always does in 
American life and always will; and again the very men who 
were accused of a lack of humanity were the first to respond to 
humanity's call;, and again the poor and the rich, the mechanic 
and the farmer, the banker and the broker — aye, the men from 
the very centre of the money trust — gave up positions of five 
and ten thousand dollars a year and occupations worth far 



200 Nkw Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

more, and staked their lives and their fortunes in a cause in 
which they could have no interest other than that of a common 
brotherhood and humanity. 

One quiet Sunday morning, while the American ships are 
lying under the guns of the Spanish fort at Santiago, a pufif of 
smoke is seen at the mouth of the harbor, then another and 
another and soon the whole Spanish fleet bursts into view and 
dashes in retreat for freedom. A cheer is heard from the 
American ships, the thunder of the cannonade bursts forth, the 
battle begins., the chase is on, and in a few short hours the sea 
power of Spain is shot to death by American guns, her ships 
lie strewn as wrecks on the Cuban shore and the last vestige 
of that empire that Columbus gave to Ferdinand and Isabella 
has passed from the Western hemisphere forever. Then occurs 
a remarkable scene, one that will stand out with distinctness 
in the romance and poetry of that war just as does the deed of 
Sir Philip Sidney from the battlefield at Zutphen. We see the 
victorious seamen risking their lives to save their fallen foes; 
we see Wainwright, of the Gloucester, just as eager to rescue 
as he was to avenge the Maine ; we hear Phillips, of the Texas, 
cry out "Don't cheer, boys, those poor devils are dying;" we 
see Fighting Bob Evans, in the spirt of Appomattox, handing 
back the sword to the wounded Eulata. Just as long as the 
enemy showed his flag those men fought like American seamen, 
but when the flag came down i they were as gentle as American 
women. And, my friends, when I think of the willing sacrifices 
that the wealthy business men of this country made in the seven- 
year struggle of the Revolution, when I remember how wil- 
lingly they gave up their fortunes in the war between the North 
and the South, and bow, when that war was over, they melted 
away into the ranks of private life as though war had never 
been; when I recall the courageous gentleness of American 
seamen I challenge the world, aye, I challenge every age since 
history began, to produce a finer type of unselfish manhood 
than that which can be found in every walk of life in this nation 
of ours, either in the palaces of the rich or in the homes of the 
poor. And I am willing to trust that kind of manhood, no 



Addresses, 191 2. 201 

better and no worse than you, recruited from your ranks — I am 
willing to trust that character to solve any problem that may 
arise, to handle any enterprise, however great, in the common 
interest of all the American people. And when I remember that 
this is the only land in which the giving away of wealth is a rec- 
ognized business, requiring a force of employees, and that here 
wealth lives not for itself alone, but is translated into libraries 
and colleges and schools and seminaries and hospitals, somehow 
I think this land of ours is going to live and the Constitution 
is going to survive. And when I look ahead to that distant day 
when peace shall reign, when nation shall raise the sword against 
nation no more, when man shall call the weak his brother and 
the unfortunate his neighbor, there in the dawn's early light of 
that distant future I see, what Francis Scott Key saw from his 
prison ship, and what Betsy Ross made — the Star-spangled 
Banner still waving. (Cheers.) 

Thk Toastmaster : The next speech, by agreement between 
those of us who came from Washington, has been reserved 
until the last because the speaker is the youngest of us and 
there is no lack of force, fire and ginger in his utterances. He 
comes from the Eastern shore of Maryland. His legal educa- 
tion was obtained yonder, in the University of Pennsylvania; 
and he has proven time and again, in verbal combat in Wash- 
ington, that it is of the best. It was this forceful lawyer-states- 
man who wrote into the Panama Canal Bill that provision, 
which my Brother Watson no doubt took note of and which 
Brother Pedrick had some concern about, divorcing steamship 
lines that are controlled by railroads from the use of the canal. 

But, looking over this menu, I fear we have not paid due 
deference to the great commonwealth which this gentleman 
represents. The glorious possibilities of the South and the 
sunsets of the Golden West have been pictured here, but we 
have not once heard the beautiful chorus of "My Maryland." 
Governor Stokes, in his interesting and eloquent speech, 
alluded to the dangers which Jersey escaped by the location 
of Philadelphia and New York outside of her borders, but he 



202 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

made no reference to Baltimore, nor even to the Eastern Shore, 
which might have been included originally among Jersey's 
famous sand dunes. We have heaped other indignities upon 
our friend. We got our ruddy duck from the Delaware River 
instead of going to Maryland or Turkey Point for it; and 
as to terrapin, why, according to the menu card tonight, our 
terrapin came from over here on the Jersey coast, at Bayhead, 
despite Maryland's famous reputation in that regard. Assum- 
ing that our vagaries may be condoned, I call upon our friend, 
a constructive Democrat — constructive or destructive, one or 
the other, let us hope the former — the Hon. J. Harry Coving- 
ton, of Maryland. (Applause.) 

Congressman Covington's contribution to the literature of 
the occasion was much appreciated and applauded. Pleading 
the lateness of the hour as an excuse for the brevity of his 
remarks, he said: 

My good brother who preceded me (Governor Stokes) 
started out in facetious vein by saying he did not understand 
why the Democratic party had adopted the donkey as its em- 
blem. Sitting here tonight I recall that that party is the only 
one of the present time that had its birth with the Constitution 
of the United States and that, through all the vicissitudes of 
national life, by its sturdy adherence to the principle of equal 
rights for all, has preserved its identity until the present day. 
So I say to the gentleman that, while the elongated horns of 
the bull moose and the lumbering gait of the elephant, as draw- 
backs to progress, have well typified the parties of which they 
are emblematic, the donkey, slow and plodding, but always 
certain and safe, has, by its ability to penetrate the political 
thicket, fairly illustrated the movement of that Democratic party 
which many of us think has traveled down the Nation's highway 
slowly but steadily into possession of the Nation's government 
for the Nation's good. 

Mr. Toastmaster, a good deal of variety lies at the founda- 
tion of every man's make-up. A certain amount of self esteem 
is necessary to success in life, to make a man stand forward and 



Addresses, 19 12. 203 

push himself to the front. I am delighted therefore to see you 
Jerseymen, at this brilliant banquet, swelling with pride and 
congratulating yourselves that you didn't come from some 
benighted State in the Union outside of New Jersey. This 
personal characteristic of you all reminds me of Dickens' de- 
scription of a London debating society which, after holding 
monthly meetings for several years in a coffee house, became 
unduly inflated with a sense of its importance and unanimously 
adopted two resolutions, viz: 

"Resolved, That the saints of the earth shall inherit the same 
and the fullness thereof, and 

"Resolved, That we are the saints." 

He continued : At this hour of the night it might be in order 
for this Society to resolve that the real saints of Pennsylvania 
are the transplanted Jerseymen who have lifted the State from 
the ordinary American level and made her what she is to-day. 

My friends, New Jersey has a right to be proud of the pre- 
eminence she has recently acquired in becoming one of that 
select aristocracy of States termed "the mothers of Presidents." 
I doubt not that, without regard to political predilections, you 
all hope that the result of the recent election may be as prolific 
in advantage to the nation as was that other great event in 
Jersey history when Washington crossed the Delaware and 
turned the fortunes of war in favor of American independence. 

The invitation to me to be present to-night was accompanied 
by an intimation from the Toastmaster that I would be expected 
to say something new and original about New Jersey; and I 
lost no time in sending my secretary over to the Congressional 
Library to hunt up material ; for I will say to you, my friends, 
that the brilliant speeches you hear are not unaided efforts. 
It is a poor Congressman who hasn't a good secretary. Among 
the information I acquired about New Jersey was that upon her 
billowy shores and in her blue waters is to be found the home 
of American yachting. I thought that that sounded both allur- 
ing and respectable until I met an old constituent of mine, who 
is a sailor and wants to be a postmaster down there on the 



204 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Eastern Shore of Maryland, and who had come around three 
months before Woodrow Wilson's inauguration. 

The Toastmaster : Was he the only one ? 

Mr. Covington : My friend, my constituents are patriots ; 
they want to serve their country on every hand. 

In my pursuit of knowledge I asked him, "Bill, what is a 
yacht?" The man looked at me in astonishment and replied, 
"Wot's a yot ? — I'll tell you. You get any kind of an old craft, 
load her up with licker and seegars, invite your friends to come 
down and get aboard, and have a devil of a good time. That's 
a yot." 

The Toastmaster : Judge Gaskill has one of those at Barne- 
gat. 

Mr. Covington : Now, gentlemen, I came here in a spirit of 
humility. The gentleman from Mississippi, the gentleman 
from North Carolina and myself belong to that equivocal, 
ostracized and unpopular class of to-day, known as politicians. 
Dean Swift said, two centuries ago, that a man who could make 
two blades of grass grow where but one had grown before was 
worth more to his country, in actual value, than the whole race 
of politicians, both those who had passed away and those who 
were to come. I thought that perhaps they might have acquired 
a better reputation after two centuries until I happened to read 
a recent speech of Chauncey Depew, a good man and a railroad 
president, who had degenerated into a politician. It was just 
before his retirement from the Senate that he declared that the 
public estimate of a politician was about the same as that of an 
old friend of his in the mountain region of New York State. 
The old fellow and his wife were much concerned about what 
career they would mark out for their only child, a boy of four- 
teen years. They had cajoled and petted him and of course 
thought he would reach the White House some day. They 
determined to decide the question. One Sunday morning, 
before going to church, they left with the little fellow a Bible, 



Addresses, 19 12. 205 

an apple and a dollar; assuming that his natural predilection 
would manifest tself by the use he made of these things ; that if 
he took to reading the Bible they would conclude he was spirit- 
ually inclined and would make a minister of him ; that if he gave 
special attention to the apple he would be inclined to agriculture 
and they would make him a farmer, and that if the dollar 
attracted him it would be an indication that he had the money- 
getting instinct and they would make a banker of him. Upon 
their return from church they found him on top of the dinner 
table, seated squarely on the Bible, with nothing left of the 
apple he had eaten but the core, and with the dollar in the 
deepest corner of his pocket. "Great Scott !" said the old man, 
"we will have to make a politician of him." (Merriment.) 

My friends, the hour is late. I rose simply to assure you in 
a few words of the kindly spirit I 'bring from Maryland to New 
Jersey. There is a tie that binds us. Religious toleration was 
the pride of our ancestry in Maryland in the day when this land 
first became the place where the Anglo-Saxon race was to carve 
out its career of freedom. That spirit of religious toleration 
was characteristic of New Jersey's history in Colonial days. 
Amid the narrow sectarianism and ruthless persecution prac- 
ticed in other Colonies, New Jersey seemed to extend the hand 
of brotherly love to Maryland, "My Maryland," and to say that 
on her shores, on her hilltops, in her valleys and through her 
forests freedom of conscience and worship was assured to all. 
Now, after the lapse of two centuries the American people are 
realizing over the length and breadth of the land, from the 
Atlantic to the tranquil waters of the Pacific and from the Rio 
Grande northward to where the fir trees line the Canadian 
frontier, that there has grown up a spirit of national unity and 
a realization that we are all of the same common ancestry, that 
we have the same hopes and aspirations that what is good for the 
man of one political party is good for the man of another political 
party and that this great nation of ninety millions of freemen 
will carve out its career not by strife and struggle, but by 
brotherly love and unity and prove to be the greatest home of 
freedom in all time. 



2o6 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

An old philosopher at Queen Elizabeth's' Court said to a 
young poet, when he would write an immortal song, "Look 
into your own heart and write ;" and, gentlemen, if I looked into 
my own heart at this moment, I think I would find written 
there the hallowed message of our common forebears who, from 
Bunker Hill to Yorktown, poured out their blood that liberty 
might not perish from the earth, and whose unconquerable 
spirit made possible this "land of the free and home of the 
brave" — a message like that which Patrick Henry sent from 
Virginia to Massachusetts when he heard of Concord and Lex- 
ington, "I am not a Virginian, I am an American," And so, 
gentlemen, at this hour my parting word is that we are not 
Californians, we are not Mississippians, we are not Marylanders, 
we are not Pennsylvanians, we are not Jerseymen — we are 
Americans. (Applause.) 

The Toastmaster: Gentlemen, your President and I have 
conferred as to this long line of well known speakers, (indicat- 
ing) stretching out this way to the left and that way to the right, 
including former Presidents of the Society; Murrell Dobbins, 
the City Treasurer ; Howard B. French and Richard Campion ; 
with Judge Gaskill, Senator Reed and other distinguished Jer- 
seymen easily available ; but we have concluded that, inasmuch 
as various other sections of the country have been heard from 
and their virtues extolled, it might be proper to have a word 
from Pennsylvania, as a nightcap. Therefore we present the 
Auditor General of Pennsylvania, the Hon. E. A. Sisson, of 
Erie. (Applause.) 

General Sisson made a brief and pertinent response which was 
much applauded. 

Expressing his regret that a severe cold had temporarily in- 
capacitated him for public speaking, he said that this and the fact 
that he had been called upon unexpectedly would explain his hesi- 
tation in attempting to say anything. He continued : 

I have been deeply impressed by the speeches I have heard this 
evening and the sentiment of patriotism which they inculcate. 



Addresses, 19 12. 207 

The unanimity with which representatives of States remote from 
each other have fallen in line, under the leadership of New Jersey, 
as members of a great and glorious Union, has been to me a 
source of inspiration. It was this spirit that found expression in 
the prophetic words of Abraham Lincoln when, in his First In- 
augural, he declared, ''The mystic chords of memory, stretching 
from every battlefield and patriotic grave to- every living hearth 
and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus 
of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the 
better angels of our nature." 

The political nostrums about which Mr. Kahn has spoken 
ought, I think, properly to be rated in the category of patent medi- 
cine remedies. We are constantly having them recommended to 
us by would-be statesmen who' are ever proposing new things by 
which to regulate the affairs of this Nation. But we know the 
value of the good things we have tried and by which we have 
prospered. Until satisfied that they are wrong we should not 
discard them merely for the sake of change and resort to experi- 
ments that have not been tried and the results of which are un- 
certain. The thought has often occurred to me that our condition 
as a people is a new and novel one in history ; that the great ac- 
cumulation of wealth that has come to us through electricity, rail- 
roads, steamboats and other methods of transportation, telegraph 
and telephone lines, mills, factories, improvements and inventions 
of all kinds for bettering the condition of mankind, and the proper 
distribution, control and management thereof in a way that will 
best conserve the interests of all, present questions that have never 
before confronted mankind except as they have grown upon the 
present generation. 

Great patience, study and thoughtful consideration are neces- 
sary for a proper solution and adjustment of the problems which 
these new conditions have brought to us. But beyond and above 
all these considerations, if the Republic is to endure, we must en- 
courage and promote that spirit of patriotism which has been so 
eloquently eulogized to-night. We may for a time, in our pur- 
suit of wealth, forget that our first duty is the one we owe tO' our 
country; but patriotism is inherent in the American character; and 



208 



New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 



I believe it will manifest itself in the future, as it has in the past, 
in every national emergency. It is the most precious heritage 
we can leave to our children and, with it as our guide, we can hope 
for the best for our country and for a safe solution of the prob- 
lems now confronting it. I thank you for your attention. (Ap- 
plause.) 

The singing of "Auld Lang Syne," in which the company 
joined with much spirit, closed one of the most enjoyable of the 
annual reunions of the Society. 




ONE^ SHILLING . % N o.^^^/^ t 

iT'WiS Bill fy LAW Jhall pap current in' 

InEW-JERSEY, for Two Peftity- Y -weight and Twetity- 
1 two Grains of PLATE. [^] I, Decetnber ii, ijiyi- 

9^ One Shilling. -^ 




P<;k^^<^-<>^'<><>c>q<^<><>^><.><>^><^^ 



COLONIAL MONEY OF NE'W JERSEY, 1776. 

On the reverse side is an engraving of a slieleton leaf, witli the words: "B^fteen 

Shillings. To counterfeit is death. Burlington, New Jersey. Printed by 

Isaac Collins." 



ADDRESSES 

The seventh Annual Banquet of the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania was held at the Bellevue- Stratford Hotel, Philadel- 
phia, on the evening of Thursday, the eighteenth of December, 
1913. The occasion was the One Hundred and Twenty-sixth 
Anniversary of the ratification of the Constitution of the United 
States by New Jersey. 

This banquet was the most successful banquet ever given by 
the Society. There was a large number of members of the So- 
ciety present, and the addition of a number of distinguished 
guests filled the Garden Room of the hotel to its utmost capacity. 
The tables were tastefully decorated with flowers, and flags were 
draped about the walls. The addresses v^re of an exceedingly 
high order, and the tone of the proceedings was such as to give 
additional merit to the Society. 

Hon. Chari^ks Van Dyke Joline officiated as Toastmaster. 

Upon being introduced by Mr. Nathan T. Folwell, the retir- 
ing President, Mr. Joline greeted the guests of the Society with 
much cordiality, as follows: 

The Toastmaster : You will all remember, gentlemen, that 
Robert Burns once wrote these lines : 

"Aye, free, oflf han' your story tell, 

When wi' a bosom crony; 
But still keep something to yoursel 

Ye scarcely tell to ony." 

I wish to say to the speakers who have honored us by coming 
here to-night and by agreeing to address us that they are at lib- 
erty to say what they please, that they must look upon us as 
"cronies" but not keep anything to themselves. In this we give 
them full liberty, even the liberty which amounts to license, for 
we are Jerseymen of a free heart and a generous mind. As such 

(209) 
14 



210 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

we welcome all here on this anniversary of the day when New 
Jersey ratified the Constitution of the United States, under which 
we have thrived and grown to be so great a Nation. From the 
hills of Sussex to the sands of Cape May, from the fertile fields 
of the Delaware to where the Atlantic washes our eastern shore 
and where countless thousands every year seek recreation and 
health, we welcome them. It is the home of good women, 
brave men, and bonnie lassies ; the home of numerous and diversi- 
fied industries; the home of venerable institutions of learnings 
and, best of all, the home of homes, the backbone of a Nation. 
It has been specially honored this year as the home of the Presi- 
dent of the United States, a man of charming personality, of vig- 
orous intellect, and a dominant will. Some of his characteristics 
may be best summed up in the lines of William Ernest Henley : 

"Out of the night that covers me, 

Black as the pit from pole to pole, 
I thank whatever gods may be 

For my unconquerable soul. 

It matters not how straight the gate, 

How charged with punishment the scroll, 
I am the master of my fate, 
I am the captain of my soul." 

Though not born in New Jersey, Woodrow Wilson has there 
lived the best years of his life and, I think, rendered his greatest 
service to mankind — the unrequited and patient service of teach- 
ing the youthful mind, of instructing it how best tO' serve its 
country — and I feel that when he shall have ''shuffled off this 
mortal coil," it will be well said of him that he has joined "the 
choir invisible of those immortal dead who live again in minds 
made better by their presence." 

But New Jersey is proudest of its judiciary and of that branch 
of its judiciary which deals with equity jurisprudence. It has 
been signally honored by the selection of one of its best Judges 
to be the Secretary of War. Capable as a lawyer, more capable 
as a Chancellor, and most capable as an administrator of public 
affairs, the Honorable Lindley M. Garrison is a worthy repre- 



Addresses, 1913- 211 

sentative of New Jersey in the National Councils. His presence 
here this evening was expected, but he has not been able to attend 
our dinner. It is our privilege, however, to have with us a 
brother of the Secretary, one of the oldest, one of the best, and 
one of the most loved Judges of our Supreme Court, and he has 
consented tO' respond in the place of his brother Lindley. I have 
the pleasure of introducing to you the Honorable Charles Grant 
Garrison. 

Judge Garrison, after the usual complement of applause, made 
a brief response. He explained that the Secretary of War had 
been unable to be present because of the official dinner given by 
President Wilson to his Cabinet, upon which occasion the Secre- 
tary could not be absent. He continued : 

The name of this Society suggests the intimate relations be- 
tween the two States; and my earliest experience in connection 
with those relations occurred when I was a school-boy living in 
Camden and attending school in Philadelphia. It took the form 
of being always saluted by the title of "Spaniard." Indeed some 
of the more rare wits of the school entitled me "A Sand Span- 
iard" ; and as they were all much bigger than I was the taunts re- 
mained unavenged. On one occasion, at a very much later 
period, when I had as my guest, at a dinner of The Clover Club, 
Hon. Leon Abbett, then Governor of New Jersey, the Toastmas- 
ter, Mr. Louis A. Megargee, introduced that gentleman in this 
novel way. He said, "One of our members has as his guest to- 
night the Governor of New Jersey. No'W, New Jersey is cele- 
brated for three things, watermelons, mosquitoes and statesmen; 
I am going to- introduce the Governor, and after you have heard 
him you will be better able tO' judge which of the three he is." 
Now, I think that to-night New Jersey is vindicated. She now 
has a President of the United States, a Secretary of War, and a 
Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States; and no one 
of the three is in the least danger of being mistaken by any Penn- 
sylvanian for either a watermelon or a mosquito. (Merriment 
and applause.) 



212 New Ji;rse:y Society of Pennsylvania. 

The Toastmaster : Gentlemen, if the Secretary of War had 
been present this evening he would doubtless have told us some- 
thing about the Army, and would have assured us that, instead 
of being a collection of little tin gods on wheels and fit only for 
dress parade, it was serviceable in the cause of Mars. Our dis- 
appointment, however, in not hearing him has been lessened by 
the exceedingly witty and interesting speech of his brother. 

Our Navy, gentlemen, is the pride of every American. Pos- 
sibly some of you may remembr, many years ago, when attending 
a negro minstrel show, to have heard the minstrel say, in laud- 
ing our Navy, "It's true that we haven't many ships, but just . 
look at the water." But our naval establisment is no longer a 
cause for ridicule. Its fame is world-wide, for it has ceased to 
be "As idle as a painted ship upon a painted ocean." 

We have the honor to have with us this evening the Chair- 
man of the Naval Committee of the House of Representatives, 
whom I now have the pleasure of introducing to you — Chairman 
Padgett, of the Naval Committee. 

Chairman Padgett was hailed with enthusiasm. Express- 
ing his appreciation of a delightful privilege in being present 
to share with the Society in the pleasure of the occasion, he said 
he had been requested in writing, by the honored Secretary, to 
speak upon New Jersey and the Navy, that he was glad to re- 
spond but that he thought neither subject could be treated 
adequately or as its merits deserved within the time allotted to 
a speaker. He continued : 

New Jersey is not large in territory, but articles of fine quality 
are often contained in small packages. Her early history is of 
peculiar interest. I do not recall any State whose population, in 
Colonial days, showed a more tangled skein. The English, the 
Dutch, the Swiss, the Irish, and other races in smaller numbers 
settled there, and all this diversity of interest brought about at 
first conflict and friction. The Indians, too, had to be contended 
with ; chaos and disorder alternated with peace and quiet ; but the 
intelligence and pluck of the people of New Jersey triumphed and 
finally law and order prevailed. 



Addresses, 19 13. 213 

New Jersey has been a potent factor in the development of 
that magnificent civilization which is our heritage to-day, the 
most splendid the world has ever known. The trend is onward 
and upward. I do not believe that the world is going to the 
bow-wows on a toboggan slide ; I am an optimist, not a pessimist ; 
I believe that to-day we are standing upon a higher plane of 
intellectual, material, and moral excellence than was ever known 
in any period of the world's history. The public and the private 
conscience are to-day more sensitive than in the past; the dis- 
tinction between right and wrong, truth and falsehood, virtue 
and vice, are more clearly defined and more tightly drawn than 
ever before. 

New Jersey, at an early day, moved to the forefront of the 
States of the Union, and has continued to occupy her conspicuous 
position. She was a pioneer in popular education. She blazed 
the way in building and maintaining public schools. Crude as 
they were, like all the schools of the country at the time, they 
gradually improved, until to-day the school system of New Jer- 
sey embraces the private academy, the high school, the college, 
and the university ; and all are an honor and a pride to the gener- 
ous manhood and womanhood that are the products of your 
civilization. In the number and variety of its churches the State 
ranks among the foremost. As I have said, you had the Puritan, 
the Huguenot, and the many others who practiced different forms 
of worship; and that fact begat a liberality of spirit between the 
various creeds while all maintained their church organizations 
and contributed their influence to the common welfare. New 
Jersey has occupied an enviable position in legal jurisprudence. 
As a lawyer I remember that when I started in the practice of 
law the decisions of the courts of New Jersey stood out as stand- 
ards and texts on questions of equity and chancery practice. In 
manufactures New Jersey is in the forefront of the States. To 
the enterprise of her people is due the credit of the initiative in 
that line of industry. Let me cite a few facts by way of illustra- 
tion. One of the first factories, if not the first, in this country 
for making cut nails was erected in the State of New Jersey. The 
boilers and shafts of the ship Savannah (which was, I believe, 



214 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

the first ship of the kind tO' cross the Atlantic) were made in 
the State of New Jersey. The tires, axles, and cranks of the 
pioneer locomotive were made in the State of New Jersey. The 
first cast-iron plow was' a product of the State of New Jersey. 
Vail and his son, in New Jersey, aided and, I may say, made 
possible of accomplishment the work of Morse in developing 
and perfecting the telegraph; and the latter put on record his 
appreciation of the services of those two men, father and son, 
in enabling him to produce his great invention. 

In commerce, New Jersey earned a world-wide reputation 
by her achievements in ship building. In the matter of naval 
architecture, I call attention to the fact that five battleships were 
built in the State of New Jersey, viz., the Arkansas, the Kansas, 
the Michigan, the New Hampshire and the Utah. Other ships 
were the armored cruiser Washington, the harbor defense monitor 
Tallahassee, the protected cruiser Chattanooga, the gun boats 
Annapolis and Princeton, the torpedo boat destroyers Ammen, 
Burrows, Jarvis, McCall, and Number 45, the tugs Chickasaw, 
Hercules, Modoc, Sebago, Tecumseh, Triton, Uncas and Numbers 
12 and 13, the converted yacht Vixen, and the water barge Num- 
ber 5. These make a total of twenty-six ships in the Navy that 
were built in the shipyards of New Jersey. 

(Voice: And the Oklahoma.) 

In civic government New Jersey's record of honorable achieve- 
ment is especially worthy of commendation. The proud position 
of the State in the early days has always been maintained. My 
own views on this point have been so well expressed by a distin- 
guished historian that I cannot forbear quoting his words and 
adopting them as my own. After enumerating the different 
classes of people who' settled in the State he says : "The blending 
and fusing of these elements in varying degrees evolved a stock 
that mentally, morally, and physically has never been surpassed. 
No braver soldiers ever faced death on the field of battle, no 
wiser statesmen ever sat in the councils of the nation or guarded 
the destinies of a State, no more learned or stainless judiciary 
ever honored the bench. In philanthropy, education, religion. 



Addresses, 19 13. 215 

science, art, literature, and in all that makes a people truly great 
New Jersey stands in the front rank. No' star among the im- 
mortal thirteen shines with brighter lustre than hers." 

In the Revolutionary War the position of New Jersey was 
unique. Her territory was distinctly the battlefield in that 
struggle. Back and forth, across her soil, the contending armies 
passed. Washington's most brilliant victories were achieved 
there, and upon her bosom the sons of New Jersey wrote with 
their own blood the story of her patriotism. The annals of war 
show that the State furnished to the Continental Army 395 of- 
ficers, 808 non-commissioned officers, and 4,808 privates, and to 
the Navy 38 captains. One of the first privateers upon the sea 
was the Enterprise, from New Jersey, which was sent out in 
July or August, 1776, and which captured the British ships Lan- 
caster, Black Snake, Modesty, James, Earl of Errol, and Nevis. 
This was certainly good service for one ship. In December, 
1776, the Reprisal, commanded by a Jerseyman, Captain Lam- 
bert Wickes, carried Dr. Franklin to France as the represen- 
tative of our Government, and, while on the other side, captured 
or destroyed seventeen or eighteen British vessels and inflicted 
great loss upon the enemy in English waters. Another Jersey- 
man, Captain James Bayard Stafford, a volunteer acting lieuten- 
ant with John Paul Jones, was on the Bon Homme Richard in the 
fight with and capture of the Serapis — an achievement which chal- 
lenged the admiration of the world and made immortal the early 
history of the Navy. Captain Thomas Tingey, a Jerseyman who 
had served in the Continental Army, was summoned to Wash- 
ington in June, 1800, and placed in charge of the work of estab- 
lishing a navy yard there. These are only a few of many names 
of sons of New Jersey who distinguished themselves in the Navy 
in those days. 

In the War of 1812 it was a Jerseyman, the gallant James 
Lawrence, in command of the Chesapeake, who gave utterance 
to that splendid sentiment which became, the motto of the Navy, 
"Don't give up the ship." 

(A Voice: He was a Burlington boy.) 



2i6 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

As long as deeds of heroism stir the hearts of patriots, "Don't 
give up the ship" will be treasured by American sailors. 

In the same war William Bainbridge, of New Jersey, on the 
Constitution, captured the English ship Java. A few years ago, 
upon an appropriation by Congress, the old Constitution was re- 
habilitated, restored to its original condition, and placed in the 
port of Boston to be preserved as a memento of the glories of 
the past and an inspiration to the young men of the country. 

In all of our wars the State of New Jersey has been honor- 
ably represented in the Navy by officers who rendered faithful 
and patriotic service. In the Revolutionary War she furnished 
92; in the War of 1812, 47; in the Mexican War, 57; in the 
Civil War, 175; in the Spanish War, 37, and at the present time 
she has in the Navy 71 officers; making a total of 479. Is there 
a son of New Jersey whose heart does not thrill with pride when 
he remembers the brilliant record made by his State in those 
struggles for what her people believed to be the honor of the 
country and the rights of man? I am reluctant to mention in- 
dividuals, but I am sure you will pardon me if I name one who 
served with signal distinction, patriotically and devotedly, in 
the Spanish War — Admiral William T. Sampson — whom the 
State of New Jersey saw fit to honor after the close of 
that struggle. (Applause.) Nor can I refrain from mentioning 
one other distinguished officer, who now serves in the Navy — 
Admiral Charles E. Vreeland. (Applause.) 

The American Navy has a glorious history. From the time of 
John Paul Jones and Commodore John Barry until this hour no 
blot or blur has stained the escutcheon of the Navy. Its record 
has been one of courage and honor. It has moved along patriotic 
lines, and it is to-day the pride of the American people. We have 
splendid battleships, cruisers and subsidiary vessels. There are 
none better in the world; and in their make-up and power they 
challenge the admiration of all nations. We have the most im- 
proved guns and, best of all, we have magnificent men — men 
moved by patriotic impulses; men who love their country; men 
who value the peace, prosperity, honor, and glory of their native 
land; men of cultured minds; men trained in their profession; 



Addresses, 1913- 217 

men who understand their business ; men with brave hearts, none 
braver beat in human breasts ; men faithful to every duty and true 
to every trust. Beneath the folds of the Stars and Stripes, the 
emblem of our sovereignty, the symbol of our honor, the banner 
of our faith, the pledge of our patriotism, these men have dedi- 
cated their lives to the service of their country and its defense. 
All honor to the American Navy! (Applause.) 

The Toastm aster: The interesting, instructive, and elo- 
quent historical summary to which we have listened will go down 
in the annals of this Society as a valuable contribution to its 
literature. We had fondly hoped that the Secretary of War, had 
he been present, and Mr. Padgett would have told us something 
of the policy of the Government in regard to public affairs and 
perchance upon the Mexican question ; but 

"Hope springs eternal in the human breast, 
Man never is, but always to be, blest." 

You may remember that an American statesman — I think it 
was John C. Calhoun — once said, "My pre-eminent policy is a 
masterly inactivity ;" and such seems to be the policy of our Gov- 
ernment with regard to Mexico. Perhaps it is the best policy 
that we should allow them to settle their internal troubles, and 
not go to war and suffer countless lives to be lost and much 
money to be expended in a fruitless endeavor to pacify them ; in 
other words, that we should let them fight their battles and should 
stand like an umpire in those pugilistic contests, our annual foot- 
ball games, and see that they observe the rules of the game. In 
this we uphold the Monroe Doctrine and say to other nations, 
"We will not and you shall not." 

Having now spanned the Alleghanies and the Blue Ridge, and 
heard from Tennessee, it is our purpose to cross the Mississippi 
and the broad expanse intervening that reaches out to the great 
State of Kansas, the home of the farmer, of the automobile, and 
the Populist of yore. I now have the pleasure of introducing to 
you a representative from that State in Congress — Representative 
Campbell. 



2i8 Ni:w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Congressman Campbeee^ who- was cordially welcomed, re- 
sponded off-hand, with characteristic humor, as follows : 

I have given my written speech to the reporters — that is of- 
ficial — and what I shall say here is absolutely unofficial and no 
part of my written speech. Sometimes, as you know, that occurs 
either inadvertently or by force of circumstances. During the 
early part of the dinner, as I looked over this splendid list of 
dinner guests, I could not help wondering how a State like New 
Jersey, considering its size and the fact that it is so far from 
Kansas, could contribute to this occasion so large a number of 
splendid looking men and still have any left. Of course I want 
to congratulate Pennsylvania and Philadelphia on the contribu- 
tion New Jersey has made to the citizenship of the Keystone 
State and of the City of Brotherly Love. Now, I should feel 
rather bad about it if I had the idea that the contribution so gen- 
erously made by New Jersey to Pennsylvania had in any way 
whatever impoverished New Jersey. I am told that it has not. 
After hearing the masterly speech of Judge Garrison, to which 
we all listened with such great pleasure, I am thoroughly con- 
vinced that the apprehension I have suggested is purely imaginary 
and that there are still great men left in New Jersey. I want to 
pause here long enough to propose a toast to the most prominent 
citizen of New Jersey, the leader of a great political party, the 
President of the United States — Woodrow Wilson. 

(The Toastmaster announced "The President of the United 
States," and the entire company rose and honored the toast with 
hearty good will.) 

Now, I don't want you gentlemen to get the idea that that 
toast was proposed by me — a Kansas man — for the sole purpose 
of being able to take a drink at this point in my speech. (Merri- 
ment. ) 

Everything that has been said by my friend. Congressman 
Padgett from Tennessee, about the State of New Jersey, I en- 
dorse, and if I could do so, would make it Exhibit A of my re- 
marks. I cannot dwell upon the theme, indeed it would not be 
proper for me, because you can have only one great speech or 



Addresses, 19 13. 219 

two — the first and the third, I think, maybe one further down the 
list — at a dinner occasion. It is improper, quite out of place, for 
the second speaker at a dinner to undertake to make a speech 
that would in any way equal the speech of the honored guest, 
and I shall not attempt it. But before passing on to some of the 
things that I may say I want to make some amendment to the 
speech of my friend from Tennessee in a matter which I am sure 
he overlooked. The Toastmaster called attention to some omis- 
sions, not to all. I feel certain that every gentleman here has 
been on the qid vive to know the names of the next battleships to 
be authorized in the forthcoming Naval Appropriation bill. You 
not only have some anxiety as to the number, but I am sure you 
have been very much interested in the names of the ships. Gentle- 
men, I cannot give you the number of the battleships that are to 
be authorized and I cannot be specific as to the names of all of 
them, but I am here clothed with full authority to advise you 
that no one of them will be called the U. S. Battleship Piffle. 
(Merriment.) Now, I could go on and mention other names 
that will not be used, but, for the sake of brevity, will leave that 
to you to fill in ; I always give my audiences credit for being able 
to make about two-thirds of my speeches. 

I am sorry my friend Padgett did not say something about a 
fleet of battleships coming up the Delaware River. If there is 
any one thing with which the Congress of the United States is 
thoroughly familiar it is the Delaware River. I have imagined 
that you had a necessity here for a large fleet of the heaviest battle- 
ships that the United States has or can make in order to protect 
the City of Philadelphia from the fleet of some hostile power. I 
do not know but that possibly Hobson has made a speech here. 
In any event, Congress knows of the necessity for deepening the 
channel of the Delaware River. And I take this opportunity to 
say that Philadelphia and this end of Pennsylvania is well repre- 
sented in the Congress of the United States. If there is anything 
that the east end of Pennsylvania needs that has not been asked 
for and any man here will hold up his hand to suggest it, I will 
pause. Gentlemen, you haven't any necessity that has not been 
called to our attention again and again and urged upon us with 



220 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

dignified industry. I have been told that the bass we had this 
evening was caught in the Delaware River. What is the depth 
now — twenty-eight feet? 

The Toastmaster : Thirty. We want thirty-five. 

Mr. Campbeee : You want only thirty-five. I am in favor of 
thirty-eight. The bass was good, and if you can get that kind 
in thirty feet of water what kind could you get in thirty-eight 
feet? 

The thing that I really want to say before I take my seat is 
that I congratulate every man who has found his way into the 
City of Philadelphia and has made a success. I congratulate the 
men back in New Jersey, whom you left behind, upon the fact 
that you came here and aided them in so doing. I am from 
Kansas, and proud of it ; and I assume that most of you, men of 
New Jersey, now Pennsylvanians, are living in the City of Phila- 
delphia. There is something about you, I cannot tell exactly 
what it is, that makes you look like city folk. I come from 
the country. I want to suggest this to you. The city and the 
country are inter-dependent. You cannot have a prosperous and 
a great city without a prosperous and a great country. I con- 
gratulate you that you have been a part of both, a great city 
and a great country. My good friend, Mr. French, and I, during 
this dinner, have been talking along this line of our country's de- 
velopment and progress. Do you know that within the last few 
years or within the lives of a great many of the men who are 
here, of the most of the men who are here, the greatest progress 
has been made that was ever made in the history of mankind. 
Lincoln never saw a telephone, never used one, never saw a street- 
car, never rode on one, never saw an electric light, never read by 
the light of one; and he has been dead only a few years. The 
struggle that made Lincoln President of the United States 
brought Kansas into the Union. Not long after that great strug- 
gle teams of horses drawing wide tread wagons with stiff tongues 
took numerous families into the prairies of Kansas. I remember 
one of those families very well. For five years there wasn't a 
railroad within one hundred and fifty miles of where the old 



Addresses, 19 13. 221 

wagons stopped. You can take my word for it that the corn 
that was produced on the prairies of Kansas during those five 
years was not worth much. The hogs that were raised on the 
prairies of Kansas during those five years were not worth much. 
I know that you could not trade a load of corn for a pair of 
children's shoes. You could not trade two hogs, killed and 
dressed, for twenty pounds of sugar in those days. Everybody 
had corn and hogs, few people had shoes ; and you could not get 
the corn and hogs tO' a market. Just as soon as men had the 
courage and the nerve to spend their money in building a rail- 
road out through that "desert country," as it was then designated 
in the geographies and on the maps, and the railroad reached 
the settlers on the prairies, there was a price for corn, a price for 
cattle, a price for hogs, and the price of evei'y thing that could 
be produced upon the prairie went up. We were then able to reach 
Philadelphia with the products of the farms of Kansas, through 
the agency of the railways of the country. To-day Kansas farmers 
are buying eastern city bonds. While your citizens are employed 
in your great industries here we feed them. While you prosper, 
while your industries are active and your laborers are steadily 
employed at good wages, our farmers are steadily at work pro- 
ducing hogs and corn and cattle and wheat and oats and every- 
thing that is necessary to maintain life. And they get a good 
price for what they produce and make a good market for what 
you have to sell. Now, you keep your industries running and we 
will keep our farms producing. As soon as you stop we will 
stop too, for if we have no markets we cannot buy your stuff, no 
matter whether you are manufacturers or importers. Keep your 
industries running and we will keep our farms in operation, and 
the entire country will continue to prosper in the future as it 
has in the past. The country contributes to the city and the 
city contributes to the country. New Jersey contributes to Phila- 
delphia, and Philadelphia contributes to New Jersey. 

I am glad of the opportunity of meeting you and greeting 
you in this very informal way to-night, and of coming to a city 
that is so well represented in the American Congress by your dis- 
tinguished representatives. I see none of them here to-night, 



222 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

except my friend "Hamp" Moore. They are all working for 
your interests, for the interests of your city and of our whole 
country. I congratulate you upon the State from which you came 
and am glad that the State of New Jersey has contributed the 
dignified and scholarly man who is to-day the head of the nation, 
and is working out his policies — which he thinks are for the best 
interests of the nation. The President of the United States is 
our President, the President of us all; and I shall not take my 
seat, Mr. Toastmaster, without alluding very briefly to the fact 
that, whether the policy of this administration be right or wrong 
with regard to Mexico, it is the American policy, it is our policy. 
As one who' does not agree with the President in politics nor in 
many of his policies, I shall not on this occasion criticize his 
foreign policy. And I will say this, that I would not give one 
Kansas boy — as old Uncle Joe has said, "Looking you in the eye 
and measuring my words in the last analysis," — I would not give 
one Kansas boy for everything this country has in old Mexico. 
If we cross the borders you gentlemen will see hundreds of boys 
from your native State of New Jersey, from your adopted State 
of Pennsylvania, and from every State in the Union sacrificed. 
If, by any impulse, or the playing of the fife and drum, as I 
fear will occur, we should become involved in a war with old 
Mexico, the price will be some of our best blood. Don't ! When 
discussing the Mexican question don't let the fife and drum get 
out on the streets and don't let the band play "The Star Spangled 
Banner" and start something. (Long continued applause.) 

The Toastmaster: Woodrow Wilson was in turn a pro- 
fessor and a president of Princeton University, and we tender our 
thanks to Congressman Campbell for his kindly reference to him. 

I remember that General Grant, in speaking of the impetuous, 
ardent nature of the Southern people, said that if a battle oc- 
cupied one day the South was apt to be victorious ; that if it oc- 
cupied two days it was fought to a stand-still ; but upon the third 
day the North generally prevailed ; and he asked "What nation in 
the world can withstand an army composed of these elements?" 
A few nights ago I read the same thought in Motley's Dutch 
Republic. 



Addresses, 19 13. 223 

The next speaker is another Westerner, but of eastern heri- 
tage. I remember having heard a lecture by Mr. McMaster, in 
which he said that the migration to^ the West was along parallel 
lines of latitude ; that in the north you could see the laws and cus- 
toms of the Northern people, and so on. There are many 
evidences, I think, of the correctness of this view. For instance, 
in Ohio the names of Dayton, Halsted, Schenck and Voorhees 
are good old Jersey names. We have with us, this evening, a 
member of Congress, whose mother and father married in Penn- 
sylvania, then went to Iowa, and then to Nebraska, where our 
guest was first a teacher of young men, then District Attorney, 
than a Congressman ; and may we not treasure the hope that other 
honors await him in his home State? I call upon Congressman 
Sloan for a few remarks. 

Congressman Sloan was generously applauded. He com- 
plimented the speakers who had preceded him on their very in- 
teresting addresses, to which, he said, he had listened with much 
gratification, particularly to the recital by the Chairman of the 
Naval Committee of the brilliant record of New Jersey and of 
her brave and brainy sons throughout all the decades of her 
Colonial and State history. He explained that he was a member 
of the Agricultural Committee, but that he could say for him- 
self, and he thought he could make the same statement for 
Colonel Campbell, who had spoken of the number of battleships, 
that he was ready to hand over to Philadelphia that dry dock 
about which the city was so much concerned. He added that 
the only reason why he could not do this now was because his 
committee did not have jurisdiction in this particular matter. 
He continued : 

I do not want to criticise you gentlemen at our first meeting, 
but I must say that I do not think you went to Chairman Pad- 
gett in the right way to get what you wanted, and that you 
might have been more successful if you had gone to him directly. 
I first met him at a hotel about three years ago. As a new 
member of Congress I realized that the way to get next to one's 
constituency was to get things for them, and I went to Brother 



224 New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

Padgett and asked him for a battleship for my district. His 
reply was, "Yes, Sloan, you can have it ; and we will send you 
out water to float it in." So you see he is as generous as he can 
be if you only ask him for what you want. Now, I don't know 
much about battleships ; neither Col. Campbell nor myself could 
do much with them; but we can furnish you with the Horse 
Marines that people used to sing about. Talking about singing 
reminds me of the latitude and longitude so liberally supplied 
by the Toastmaster, who said we could talk about anything. 
When my friend, J. Hampton Moore, asked me to come here 
and make a speech and I pleaded want, of time for preparation, 
he said, "You don't need any preparation; our audience really 
makes the speech ; you will find them in good spirits, and when 
you talk they will have the good spirits in them and you can say 
or sing anything you like." That is more than we can do in 
Washington. We can think "damn," we can say "damn," but 
we can't sing "damn." (Merriment.) 

Brother Campbell's description of the prairie schooner 
which was a part of our navy fifty years ago was exceedingly 
interesting to me. He was speaking of a period just before 
Kansas entered the Union. Who do you think rode in that 
prairie schooner? It was the "Cambel" family. When the 
people saw the wagon coming they raised the old slogan. The 
"Cambels are coming." That slogan then had many delights and 
none of the terrors which it used to create ; for at one time, when 
it was sounded through pibroch of the "Hielands," the cattle 
were hastily secluded and the bonnie lassies hurried to retreats 
in the castle. I had intended to tell you the story about "The 
Cambels are coming," as I expected to be sandwiched between 
the two real orators from Washington ; but instead of preceding 
Brother Campbell I have to follow him ; and as he is known as 
the ship of the political desert, the speaker who follows him 
must necessarily hump himself. 

In glancing over this gathering of prosperous-looking, intel- 
ligent, high-idealed men, the thought occurred to me that if 
your moving from New Jersey only as far West as Philadelphia 
has made you the men you are, what giants you might have be- 



Addresses, 19 13. 225 

come had you traveled as far West as Nebraska. But I am glad 
you stopped here because, if you had gone out there, the com- 
petition for public -honors would have been so strenuous that I 
certainly would never have reached Congress. Fortunately for 
me, my father and mother started from here, where you stayed, 
and continued going West until they crossed the Mississippi 
and later the Missouri. 

One reason for my coming up here to-night is this. In 
looking at the picture of "Washington Crossing the Delaware," 
which may be seen in steel engraving or in colors upon the 
walls of Western institutions and homes, I have often been 
impressed by the stalwart forms of those brave patriots in their 
tattered Continental garb and by the stern determination and 
high resolve depicted upon their countenances. Those were the 
men who went over to New Jersey. I thought that by coming 
here tonight I could see the kind of men who had come back 
from New Jersey. Making due allowance for heredity in- 
fluences, and taking the general average, I find the same type 
and standard of men ; and there could be no better evidence of 
it than the appearance of the goodly company to whom I have 
the honor to speak to-night. If, on the occasion I have referred 
to Washington had let the Hessian ''fly" and made no captures 
I think it would have been a good thing for our agricultural 
products in recent years, because a pest of that name has at 
intervals been ruining our wheat crop. 

My friend, Congressman Browning, of Camden, who was 
born in New Jersey and who, being a fatalist, still remains there, 
suggested to me the other day that the people who had left New 
Jersey and come to Philadelphia might be divided into three 
classes, viz., those who left of their own volition, those who 
escaped, and those who were banished. I was directed, of 
course, not to be too explicit about those who come with the 
greatest speed and who have remained because of the ineffi- 
ciency of the extradition laws. I am told that when "Hamp" 
Moore was banished from the State he shook his fist at the folks 
who remained and, in the spirit of Cataline of old, exclaimed 
"Banished from New Jersey? — what's banished but set free in 
Philadelphia." 

15 



226 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Last Fall, when delivering a political speech at Allentown, 
to seven acres of people more or less, I happened to ask who 
they were and was told they were Pennsylvania Dutch. Re- 
turning to the State to-night I have run up against another 
crowd, and they are all Jerseyites. I was wondering if there 
were any native Pennsylvanians hereabouts and, upon inquiring 
of my friend "Hamp" Moore, was told "Yes, there is one; he 
was born at or near that church or seminary town, Pittsburgh, 
moved to New York, then resided at Matteawan, and is now in 
New Hampshire" ; and Moore disposed of him in this way, "Let 
Thaw stay there till he'll freeze; we have no room for a native 
Pennsylvanian if we are to accommodate all these Jerseyites." 

Now, I am glad that New Jersey joined the Union one hun- 
dred and twenty-six years ago. We Congressmen have been 
forced to conclude that New Jersey is not only in the Union, 
but that, aside from a few incidentals like the Senate and some 
non-essentials like the House of Representatives and the Su- 
preme Court, New Jersey is the Union. To-night, when the 
Senate is enacting the great banking and currency legislation, 
the question is not whether New Jersey will join the Union but 
whether the Union will join New Jersey. And it probably will. 

Gentlemen of the New Jersey Society, in coming from New 
Jersey to Philadelphia you did the logical thing; you followed 
the sun and the course over which empire takes its way. Wise 
men usually come from the East ; and, as has been well said, the 
wiser they are within limits the farther they go and the longer 
they stay. Brother Campbell and I come from the great West. 
Out there the skies are clear, the horizon wide, the plains broad, 
the soil deep, the rivers long, the mountains high, the air pure 
and surcharged with invigorating ozone. The people who went 
out there half a century ago battled with nature as well as man. 
There was developed there a race great in brawn, clear in per- 
ception, daring in deed, elevated in their ideals of right, vigor- 
ous in action as the storms that sweep over our plains, upright 
and independent as the mountain peaks that separate the two 
parts of the great West. These conditions indicate some of the 
political characteristics of the people of that section. They are 



Addressi;s, 1913. 227 

not usually strong on conventions, but they know what they 
want and when they want it. They consult proprieties less 
perhaps but rights more. While usually ardent partisans, there 
are considerations more sacred to them than party, there are 
ties more binding than caucus. "They wear their rights as 
royal robes, their manhood as a crown." They respect existing 
law. They would break it in the Legislature rather than stifle 
it in the court. While they obey it when obnoxious to them, 
they move for its repeal. They revere and obey the Constitu- 
tion made by the people — the best of the people then — but 
pardon us if we say the best of the people now may, without 
apology to ancestry, change that Constitution in the ordinary 
way ; and we frequently do. Again you will pardon us if we do 
not see a constitutional change in a great legal decision or a 
constitutional right-about in a party success or in the elevation 
to ofHce of any man. 

Perhaps no trend or phase of thought was more distinctly em- 
phasized in the framing of our fundamental law or finds more 
frequent expression in the text of that great instrument than that 
the Government was to be impersonal, one of fixed law, and not 
of transient sentiment. In the debate of the founders, when it- 
was suggested that the exalted patriotism of Government officials 
would prevent error, fraud, or abuse, the response was unequivo- 
cal that it was wiser to create a barrier against these evils than to 
trust to the possible weakness, self- interest, or selfish ambition o£ 
any one man or set of men. At different periods in our history, 
public men, thinking to pander to a popular craze or to ingratiate 
themselves with their leaders, have suggested a standard for offi- 
cial action other than that of constitutional guidance. "The 
higher law" was at one time exploited by the conscience of New 
England, but, while tolerated by the private citizen, no' executive 
dared to recognize it. Recently, in a great city located between 
the home of Congressman Campbell and my own, a distinguished 
Cabinet officer of the present administration declared that the 
President of the United States has a master and that that master 
is his conscience. While I honor the incumbent of the Presi- 
dential office and have confidence in his patriotism, I regard that 



228 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

declaration as at least a novel one. The American people believe 
that the Constitution of the United States is the supreme and only- 
master of all officials of their Government from the highest to 
the lowest. They do not object to the exercise of conscience with- 
in legitimate limits, but do object to the undue preponderance of 
the personal element. They maintain that the Constitution rep- 
resents the composite, crystallized conscience of the Fathers, and 
that their Chief Executive is to be ruled and guided by it. He 
is sworn to administer the Government not according to his con- 
science but according to the collective will of the people as set 
forth in the laws of the land. 

On the Fourth of March, 19 13, under a sky as bright as any 
that ever beamed upon a successful Presidential candidate, two 
hundred thousand people gathered in front of the great capitol at 
Washington for the inaugural ceremonies. There were present 
the Supreme Court of the United States, Senators and Repre- 
sentatives, the incoming and outgoing Cabinets, Governors of 
States, and diplomats of the world. The Carriage of State, un- 
attended by any show of military strength, brought thither the 
two most distinguished citizens of the Republic, President Taft 
and President-elect Wilson, the former seated to the right and 
the latter to the left. The oath of office, administered by the 
Chief Justice of the United States, pledged the President-elect to 
be guided not by his conscience but by the Constitution of the 
United States. A brief inaugural was delivered; and as the 
Carriage of State returned whence it came President Wilson oc- 
cupied the right hand side and the ex-President the left; thereby 
signifying the change of the depository of power, and that the 
will of a hundred million of people had been carried into effect 
without the loss of a life or the shedding of a drop of blood. 
I regarded the spectacle as the most sublime I had ever witnessed, 
and could not forbear contrasting it with the conditions that at- 
tend a change of administration in the unfortunate republic to 
the south. With a constitution almost as fair and liberal as our 
own, the advent of a new President has been made in the smoke 
of revolution and at the point of the sword. I recalled that each 
of the recent rulers of that southern republic — Diaz, Madero, and 



Addresses^ 1913- 229 

Huerta^ — declared that he was guided by his conscience in ruling 
his people. In our country the transfer from the jurist Presi- 
dent to the scholar President conveyed a like grant of power; 
but the contrast between unfortunate, war-ridden, impoverished 
Mexico and rich, powerful, buoyant America emphasized the fact 
that our rulers are governed by the Constitution and the law; 
that ours is an impersonal form of government; that while per- 
sonal conscience may counsel and suggest action, it cannot sub- 
ordinate the will of the people, which is the supreme guide. 

The people of the West revere the Constitution and believe 
that the perpetuity of the Government depends upon compliance 
with its every requirement, because only in that way can we have 
sound and sane legislation that is fairly responsive to the pro- 
gressive demand and well considered needs of the American peo- 
ple. Let its enforcement be certain and wise, its interpretation 
fearless, intelligent and just, so that decisions may be made in 
obedience to no passing fancy, fear or favor, but for the guidance 
of the ages, challenging the criticisms of generations to come. 
(Applause.) 

The Toastmaster: Gentlemen, it has been truly said that 
heredity will count. The eloquent speaker whom we have just 
heard had his origin in Pennsylvania, and I venture to say that 
he inherited his eloquence from that State because it lies so close 
to New Jersey. 

As a truthful chronicler of the times I ought now to tell you, 
gentlemen of Pennsylvania, that there was an election in New 
Jersey this fall. I have always thought that if the people of this 
country wish tO' be governed by Democratic politics and Demo- 
cratic ideas they should have the right of so expressing them- 
selves at the polls; that each man should have the privilege of 
casting one vote, at his chosen residence, for either of the candi- 
dates. In the late election James F. Fielder was elected as our 
Governor ; and in choosing him the people expressed their wish to 
be governed by Democratic policies. I can say of him, and per- 
haps it is the greatest tribute that one man could pay to another, 
that he is a gentleman : 



.230 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

"And thus he bore without abuse 
The grand old name of gentleman, 

Defamed by every charlatan 

And soiled by all ignoble use." 

It may be truly said of him he cannot do anything mean, low, 
or unmanly. He may do things as to which we do not agree and 
may advocate policies that he may find to- be wrong; but if he 
does he has but to have recourse to the words of Browning : 

"What stops my despair? 
This : 'tis not what man does which exalts him 
But what man would do." 

But Edward Caspar Stokes was not defeated personally. It 
would be a difficult thing to defeat him personally in New Jersey. 
May I not venture to hope that all of us, Democrats and Repub- 
licans alike, will be glad to see him, when the Republican party 
shall return to power, elevated to a place which he will honor 
and to which he will lend distinction — a seat in the United States 
Senate? (Applause.) We expected that he would address us 
this evening, but he is unavoidably absent. 

St. Paul is recorded to have said, "I am a man, which am a 
Jew of Tarsus, a city in Celicia, a citizen of no mean city." Our 
next speaker may truly say, "I am a man," — which am the Mayor 
of Trenton, a city of New Jersey, — "a citizen of no mean city." 
I have the pleasure of calling upon Mayor Donnelly, of Trenton. 

Mayor Donnelly spoke in his usual vigorous style, and was 
heartily applauded. Apologizing for his embarrassment in at- 
tempting to follow in the footsteps of the "heavy-weights" from 
Washington and the West, and referring to his statement, made 
on a previous occasion, that he believed the city of which he had 
the honor to be Mayor was the best governed of any in the United 
States, he said some of the taxpayers of Trenton might have 
doubts about this, but it could not be disputed that there had been 
a great advance there in the development of natural resources 
which had been neglected in the past. The Mayor referred to 
the remarkable progress that had been made under Commission 
Government by the establishing of modern systems and the sub- 



Addresses, 19 13. 231 

stitution of business methods for partisan politics. He con- 
tinued : 

This is equally true of the State of New Jersey. It is moving 
forward along the lines of progress, for progress is its watch- 
word; and its advancement is the wonderment of the Nation. 
We should glory in the fact that we are Jerseymen because of 
the proud position our State occupies among its sisterhood of 
States. 

It is true, without reference to politics, that in former years 
New Jersey was looked upon as one of the most reactionary 
States in the Union, but to-day, with that spirit of determination, 
with that spirit of progress, with that spirit which actuates the 
men who have been on the firing line in every movement for the 
public good. New Jersey is the most progressive State in the 
Union. This has been brought about not through the medium 
of politics or by pronounced partisans, who generally serve selfish 
interests, but by an uprising of men of intelligence, men of high 
ideals, men who looked solely to the best interests of the State 
and who glorified in its advancement. 

In the last two^ years I have traveled over fifteen thousand 
miles, through this great country of our, as a member of the New 
Jersey Commission to the Panama-Pacific Exposition to be held 
in San Francisco in 19 15, and as a delegate representing the City 
of Trenton at various conventions. In my travels I have had 
an excellent opportunity to study Municipal, State, and National 
conditions, and from what I have seen and learned I am prouder 
than ever that I am a Jerseyman. 

Every State of the Union has something of which it can justly 
boast. Kansas has its farms, Nebraska its com, Pennsylvania 
its coal and manufactures; the South is great in agriculture, the 
West in minerals, the East in industries ; but New Jersey, one of 
the smallest of the States in territory, has all these assets com- 
bined. Because of our indifference in the past, the State's nat- 
ural wealth and resources have not been fully developed, and the 
same conditions have been allowed tO' remain while we continued 
to play the old game of politics. Where do you find better farms 
or products of finer flavor or more excellent quality or more 



232 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

succulent fruit than those of New Jersey? Where do you find 
popular health and pleasure resorts comparable with Atlantic City, 
Cape May, Asbury Park, and the others along our Atlantic Coast, 
not to mention the beautiful Delaware Water Gap, with its 
mountains and other scenic attractions ? In New Jersey we have 
the seashore playground of the world. The location of our State 
makes it the busiest part of the continent. L-ying, as it does, 
between the two great cities of the East, traversed by great rail- 
ways and broad highways, with industries producing over a bil- 
lion dollars' worth of materials annually, with agricultural prod- 
ucts worth approximately half a billion a year, our State is not 
surpassed by any in the Union; and yet conditions have been 
such that her natural resources remain partially undeveloped. 
Despite the progressive spirit of New Jersey, she has been sadly 
neglected in Federal and State appropriations. Otherwise she 
would long since have been one of the greatest — if not the great- 
est — in the development of industries and agriculture. 

But, gentlemen, we are chiefly concerned with the possibilities 
of the future. A turning point has been reached within the past 
few months, and we look confidently for an equalization of Gov- 
ernment support which will give us the opportunity we crave. I 
refer to that great inland water course, the New Jersey Ship 
Canal, which cuts across our State and which will give sixty- 
eight miles of territory available for manufacturing industries. 
This project is now well under way. For years the Commission, 
of which I have the honor to be the president, realizing the value 
of this canal to the State and to the Nation, has labored unceas- 
ingly for the success of the project. We have overcome innum- 
erable obstacles and have had to be constantly wide awake to 
prevent petty jealousies and selfish interests from hindering the 
advancement of this monumental project. However, the canal 
project is now sure of fruition; the Federal Government has 
gone on record in advocacy of it and pledged the necessary funds 
to complete its building. 

Now that the Delaware River has been made navigable up 
to Trenton we have been made to realize the urgent necessity of 
its further development. I refer to the improvement of the 



Addresses, 19 13. 233 

Upper Delaware, above Trenton. Here we are lying idle, so 
to speak, when by scientific methods we could readily utilize the 
power of that great stream which reaches into the mountains 
and the forests. North of Trenton and Belvidere we have 
twenty to thirty thousand horse power going to waste in New 
Jersey because of not developing the Delaware. With the co- 
operation of the Federal Government we would begin a new 
era of progress. And let me say that every improvement to 
our waterways that benefits New Jersey will be of equal value 
to Pennsylvania and Philadelphia and all the way to the border 
of the State of New York. When we consider the great trunk 
line from Maine to Florida, with its connectng links in the 
canal across New Jersey and a canal across the State of Dela- 
ware, joining with the Chesapeake and Delaware, and with one 
hundred and fifty-eight rivers on the Atlantic seaboard tributary 
to it, the importance and magnitude of that great national 
improvement and all that it means in additional facilities for 
transportation and business cannot well be overestimated. It is 
not going to antagonize the railroads, but rather will increase 
their business. Are we to stand idly by and not give support 
to the public spirited men who are carrying forward a move- 
ment which means so much not only to New Jersey and Penn- 
sylvania but to the entire Atlantic Seaboard? For one I am 
proud of that son of New Jersey, now representing Philadel- 
phia in Congress, Hon. J. Hampton Moore, to whom we owe 
so much for the agitation which has made this great under- 
taking possible of accomplishment. It is one which will benefit 
the railroads by an increase of transportation and stimulate the 
industries of our seaboard by new business. There is a special 
reason for it at this time on account of the Panama Canal. 

This is my thought to-night, and I give it to you hastily, for 
I was called upon unexpectedly, that whatever is done for us in 
New Jersey in a spirit of patriotism, of Americanism and of 
business enterprise, we regard as being done for the benefit of 
the whole country, just as appropriations for the South and the 
West help the North and Fast, and that it will bring about a 
more just equalisation in the development of natural advan- 
tages. (Applause.) 



234 Nkw Ji;rsey Society of Pennsylvania. 

The ToasTmaster : When Goldsmith wrote the hnes, "Sweet 
Auburn, loveliest village of the plain," picturing it in all its pris- 
tine beauty and glory, he must have had in mind some such 
suburban town as Merchantville, New Jersey. It may be said 
that it is the home of the plain people of whom Abraham Lincoln 
said that the Lord must have loved them, for He made so many 
of them. It is the home of Judge Garrison, of Judge Carrow, of 
some of our worthy members, and, last and least, of your Toast- 
master. It was the home, some years ago, of a gentleman .'now 
present who, beneath the blue dome of heaven by day and the 
starry sentinels of the sky by night, found inspiration for all that 
is best in him, and who is now a very vade mecum of all that per- 
tains to the welfare of Philadelphia. I refer to Mr. Cattell, to 
whom it will be a pleasure to listen. 

Ripples of merriment and applause accompanied Mr. Cat- 
tell's interesting contribution to the literature of the occasion. 
He remarked that it might seem like "carrying coals to New- 
castle" for him to supplement the eloquent deliverances with 
which the Society had been favored, but that he wanted to pro- 
claim his faith in the beneficient influence of the New Jersey 
Society of Pennsylvania. He continued : 

We have listened to a brilliant commentary on the part 
which sons of New Jersey have played in times past, but little 
emphasis has been placed upon the still greater service they 
are rendering the Republic in these tremendously important 
days of the Twentieth Century. For instance, to-morrow sons 
of New Jersey will participate in the visit of a delegation to 
Washington for the purpose of calling the attention of the 
Government to the great benefit accruing to the nation through 
the further development of the League Island Naval Station — 
now regarded by experts as the logical point for the location 
of the greatest governmental naval staion on the Atlantic Coast. 
It was established originally solely through the efforts of a U, S. 
Senator from New Jersey (Senator Cattell), then acting as 
President of the Corn Exchange and of the Corn Exchange 
National Bank, of Philadelphia, who realized the possibilities 



Addresses, 19 13. 235 

of the situation and, with true New Jersey enterprise and energy, 
convinced the people of Philadelphia and the Government au- 
thorities at Washington of the availability of the site. You can 
see, from this one instance, that New Jersey understands the 
follow-up system ; and while in all periods of the country's his- 
tory she has played a leading and important part, being and 
doing that which had influence far beyond her State boundaries, 
her sons are to-day as potent in shaping the policies of the 
country as they ever were in times past, and as deeply patriotic, 
as earnestly and aggressively American, as were Jerseymen in 
the formative days which brought forth a new hope for the 
world in the shape of our great Republic. 

We have been favored to-night with eloquent tributes to our 
State by Representatives in Congress, from Tennessee, Kansas, 
and Nebraska, and have found encouragement and an incentive 
to renewed activity in the presence and the utterances of Justice 
Garrison, of the Supreme Court of New Jersey, who has re- 
sponded in the place of his brother, the Secretary of War. In 
Judge Garrison's person we have also a testimony that the good 
old Jersey stock is not running to seed. While it is the custom 
in certain quarters, over-critical in their temperament, to speak 
of New Jersey in the past tense, and while it is the habit of some 
Western progressive elements to regard us in New Jersey as 
ultra-conservative, it is a significant fact that the law partner of 
the most progressive Senator of the Progressives, from an 
extremely progressive Western State, only last year informed 
me that such reputation as he enjoyed as an authority on certain 
law points and such success as he had won in handling cases of 
a certain class, he ascribed largely to the fact that he read with 
great care and pondered deeply the splendid decisions rendered 
by Justice Garrison, of the Supreme Court of New Jersey. In 
making this remark he was not aware that I was acquainted 
with Justice Garrison; and it was an unsolicited tribute to the 
splendid work of a jurist of whom we are all proud, one whose 
reputation is established all over the United States where clear 
thinking and lucid expression are valued in deliverances touch- 
ing the fundamental and basic principles of law and their proper 
interpretation. 



236 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

The interesting and all-embracing story, by Congressman 
Padgett, of Tennessee, of New Jersey's part in the making of 
American history has given us all a new reason to be proud of 
our ancestors. That gentleman stands for a great conserving, as 
well as constructive, element in our national life ; and he repre- 
sents a section whose people make instant and always successful 
appeals to our affections. I have in mind the picture of a dear 
old Tennessee Colonel with whom I journeyed some years ago, 
for an unforgettable day. He represented one side of life south 
of Mason and Dixon's line which is typical of that often found 
within the borders of our own loved State of New Jersey. The 
dear old Colonel had many excellent qualities, which were rec- 
ognized by everybody, and he had one peculiar virtue upon 
which he alone seemed to place high value. During the morn- 
ing it had been his repeated boast to our little party that his lips 
had never been sullied by the touch of water since will power 
had developed sufficiently to control his actions. "Never," he 
remarked several times, "shall water cross my lips while life 
lasts. It is a waste of time and opportunity for better things, 
this consumption of water." Late in the afternoon the train 
went through a bridge into a shallow river. There was much 
excitement. After a time we rescued the Colonel, dragging him 
out of six feet of water, revived him, and then anxiously in- 
quired "Are you hurt Colonel?" Bending close to catch his 
words, we heard him say, "No, I'm not hurt; and I didn't 
swallow a damned drop." True to his old tradition he had 
succeeded in preventing any of the detested water from entering 
into his system, even under conditions which would have con- 
quered a less resolute man. 

Congressman Campbell, of Kansas, has revived another old 
memory, one which has in it a lesson for all Philadelphians and 
all New Jersey folk. Some years ago, standing in the lobby of 
a Fifth Avenue hotel in New York, I noticed a crowd surround- 
ing an excited talker at the opposite side of the lobby. The 
speaker did not seem to be carrying his audience with him and, 
animated by an old sporting spirit, I drifted into the throng and, 
hearing him praising the City of Wichita, Kansas, I cut in with 



Addresses, 19 13. 237 

the remarks, "Yes, Wichita is a great place." Turning on me 
savagely he asked "When were you there?" I replied "Three 
weeks ago." "Three weeks ago," he exclaimed; "Lord, you 
ought to see it now !" This loyalty to home development left 
an ineradicable impression on my memory, and it is worth re- 
membering. It explains the marvelous growth of Kansas ; it 
explains also why Kansas is represented by such men as Con- 
gressman Campbell. 

The presence of the Congressman from Nebraska (Mr. Sloan) 
and his interesting talk reminded me that I entered that State in 
the year 1868, on the first railroad constructed therein, and in 
the year 1869, traversed Nebraska from end to end — the same 
year in which the Union and Central Pacific Railways linked the 
Atlantic and Pacific for the first time. I recollect an incident 
which occured there in connection with a curiously illuminating 
verdict delivered by a Nebraska coroner's jury. It was in a 
suicide case, and the verdict typifies that native talent for a con- 
cise, comprehensive statement, which has always characterized 
the people of Nebraska, and is indicative of their uniform success 
in getting at the heart of everything as well as the pockets of 
everybody. The verdict had to do with the case of a man who, 
returning home late one night under the influence of liquor, re- 
moved the suspenders from his trousers and with them hung him- 
self on his bedpost. The verdict covered the situation. As I 
recall it now, after the lapse of forty years, it ran, "We, the 
jury, find that Thomas Elkins came to his death by returning 
home drunk and mistaking himself for his own pants," 

New Jersey has always taken high rank for constructive 
work. Her sons have always been leaders, no matter where they 
settled beyond State limits, because their strong faith in their 
country made them optimists; and never were optimists more 
needed than at the present moment. A pessimistic wave is sweep- 
ing over the country; a certain mental and spiritual blindness is 
developing among the people which threatens, if not speedily 
checked, to demoralize confidence and breed disaster. This 
senseless tendency to depression must be restrained ; and it is the 
duty of every son of New Jersey to stand fast for the old prin- 



238 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

ciples, the old American faith in self, in country, in God. And 
what is all this bother about ? I have traveled all over the world, 
have studied conditions in seventy-five separate political divisions 
of the earth's surface for the purpose of writing about them, 
know my own country thoroughly, have confronted for years the 
hard but illuminating face of facts, and, speaking with a due 
sense of responsibility, weighing my words carefully, I want to 
go on record as predicting that this country is facing the greatest 
era of prosperity ever known in any country, in any age, on any 
continent. There are certain clouds in the sky, there are certain 
threatening features in the situation, but, out-weighing all these, 
there is the great fact that, thanks to education and to its child, 
science, we are recovering from the waste heap thousands of 
millions of new purchasing power which has been utterly ignored 
by the pessimistic prophets in their estimate of future conditions. 
In addition to the normal increase in purchasing power in the 
hands of the people, there will be added, during the next twenty 
years a tremendous sum for utilization in buying the labor of 
others. To the South lies enough land susceptible of reclamation 
to give a fifty-acre farm to every man in ten millions oi population 
without touching an acre of un-submerged land now available. 
There is running wild in the rivers of the United States, to-night, 
power equivalent to three times the pulling power of all the 
horses in the world. This will soon be brought to the service 
of commerce in manufactures. In the handling of one of our 
great mineral deposits we waste nearly fifty per cent, under 
ground; and then when the coal is taken intO' service we utilize 
eleven per cent, of its power and waste eighty-nine per cent. 
In both directions tremendous savings have recently been effected, 
and still greater savings will mark the hsitory of the nearby 
future. Cotton seed, which not many years ago was regarded as 
waste, to-day adds more than one hundred million dollars to our 
credit balance through export. When crossing the continent, in 
1869, I traveled for five consecutive days over what every geo- 
graphy called "The Great American Desert." To-day, in the 
heart of that desert, three crops a year are being raised, thanks 
to irrigation. Opportunities are blossoming everywhere. I envy 



Addr^sse:s, 19 1 3. 239 

those who will receive the mighty heritage of unused years, for 
we are at the dawn of a new day, a new era, in which there will 
be more clearly recognized the brotherhood of man as well as 
the fatherhood of God. 

May I, in closing, follow this thought a step further? We 
are about to enter the Christmas season, when each of us should 
retire into the holy of holies of his child-heart sanctuary and, 
under the influence of old memories and a renewal of child-like 
faith, draw out of this Christmas festival a new strength to meet 
the trials and win the triumphs of the new year. Many years 
ago, when crossing the Andes, between Argentine and Chile, 
almost at the top of the range, we came suddenly upon a giant 
bronze statue of "He that is the Christ." The two Republics 
had been on the verge of war when, a few years before, they 
determined to melt down the cannon which had been procured 
for the purpose of dealing death to each other, and to convert 
it into an enormous statue of the Prince of Peace. Having done 
this, they took the great statue to the highest part of the lofty 
range of mountains which was their dividing border line and 
there, under the shadow of the Christ statue, pledged an eternal 
peace. South of the Equator the seasons are opposite in char- 
acter to our own, and at this time that statue of the Prince of 
Peace is looking down upon the plains fifteen thousand feet be- 
low, watching the return of Spring, noting the benediction of 
flowers falling everywhere, and with outstretched hands seeming 
to bestow a blessing to the people in the valleys far below. May 
we not, in this Northern Hemisphere, in sympathy with the 
Christmas spirit, share in the blessing from that extended hand 
and find in this thought and its inspiration a new reason to thank 
God for life, a new hope for the future, a new faith in man? 
(Applause.) 

The Toastmaster : Gentlemen, the speechmaking having 
been concluded, it only remains for your Toastmaster, in dismiss- 
ing you, to give you the New Year salutation of the Dutchman : 

"Long may you live, 

Much may you give, 

Happy may you die 

And Heaven be yours bye and bye." 



ADDRESSES 

The One Hundredth and Twenty-seventh Anniversary of the 
ratification of the Constitution of the United States by New Jer- 
sey was celebrated at the Eighth Annual Banquet of The New 
Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, on December i8th, 19 14, at the 
Manufacturers' Club, Philadelphia. 

A feature of the oratory, which supplemented the good fel- 
lowship and social enjoyment of the occasion, was an interesting 
contribution to the literature of the Society by Brig. Gen. A. A. 
Woodhull (U. S. A. Ret.), descriptive of a notable event in Jer- 
sey history during the Revolution. 

Spirited addresses, alternating in serious thought and rollick- 
ing humor, were delivered by President Hires of the Society, 
U. S. Senator Boies Penrose, Congressman J. Hampton Moore 
and City Statistician E. J. Cattell. 

The President (Mr. Charles E. Hires), upon taking the 
chair, was cordially greeted. His introductory to the after-dinner 
entertainment was as follows : 

Gentlemen, fellow members of the New Jersey Society and 
distinguished guests who have honored us with your presence 
here to-night, on behalf of our Society I greet and welcome you 
to our festive board. 

I am reminded of the eminent men who have preceded me as 
President of this organization, and it is with some trepidation 
that I assume the duties of the Chair; yet I am fortified by your 
generous greeting and my heart beats with pride that I am a 
Jerseyman, a native of a State from which has come sO' many men 
pre-eminent not only in business life but in art, in science, in 
literature and in statesmanship. Upon the illustrious role are 
such names as Stockton, Biddle, Newbold, Fennimore, Carpenter, 
Woolman, Stokes, Van Rensselaer, Cooper, Wetherill, Lippin- 
cott, Budd, Grubb, Gaskill, Reeves, Folwell, Griscom, Roebling. 

(240) 



Addresses, 19 14. 241 

Cleveland, Fenimore Cooper, Walt Whitman and many others 
whom I could mention. 

I am proud of my Jersey ancestry, dating back to the earliest 
arrivals in this country, from one of whom I inherit my middle 
name, Elmer. One of my ancestors, John Hires (spelled then 
Heyers), was upon the good ship "Shield" that arrived in the 
Delaware in 1678. It is related that, in passing up the river, 
this vessel was cast by the winds upon the west bank and that 
its tackling caught in the trees of an Indian village upon what 
is now the site of the City of Philadelphia. It was remarked at 
the time, by some of the ship's company, that that would be a 
fine spot for a city. It is further related that, just previous to 
that, a Lieutenant Prinz, who had claimed considerable land in 
New Jersey, visited the western bank of the river with the ex- 
pectation of taking some property he claimed there and, when re- 
minded that the Dutch West India Company had prior claims, 
he remarked that Satan was the first possessor of hell but he had 
welcomed other comers afterwards. 

This eighteenth day of December, on which our dinner is 
held, is the one hundred and twenty-seventh anniversary of the 
ratification of the Constitution of the United States by New Jer- 
sey. The State of New Jersey has been so conspicuous for pro- 
gress, so distinguished in the judiciary and so prominent in the 
councils of the nation that no Jerseyman can help fec'ung a 
pardonable pride in her glorious record. She has contributed 
to the nation not only statesmen but two Presidents and has had 
a potential voice in governmental affairs. This leads me to say 
that the national situation to-day is one for which we have cause 
to be thankful. In times past our country has won great victories 
in war, has been a welcome factor in restraining oppression and 
has been noted for its achievements in peace, but never in our 
history was there greater warrant for thankfulness, reverence, 
patriotism and love of country than at present. Ours is the only 
great nation that is not at war — the country with the greatest 
freedom and the greatest harvest. No victory by land or sea, 
by strategy or strength, equals that of the present — the victory 
of having done right by our fellow men and our fellow nations. 

16 



242 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyi^vania. 

Notwithstanding the distress produced by false standards, by 
false legislation, our humanity still is so broad and so good as 
to be ready to help and bless both the people responsible for the 
war and those who innocently suffer — a love that includes all 
nations, because even the victor will suffer unmeasured disaster. 
In no country, at no time, was there ever greater reason for 
patriotism than among the pepole of the United States at this 
time. Let us appreciate it and acknowledge it by pledging our- 
selves to preserve it. (Applause.) 

Gentlemen, we have with us to-night a retired General of the 
United States Army, of Jersey ancestry, whose grandfather 
preached the sermon at the funeral of that Jersey patriot, Captain 
Huddy, the hero of the Block House at Toms River, in the War 
of the Revolution. It gives me great pleasure to introduce to you 
General Woodhull. 

Generai, Woodhuee, who was heartily welcomed, reviewed 
the military conditions in New Jersey prior to the close of the 
Revolution and contributed an interesting narrative of the fate 
of Captain Joshua Huddy, of the New Jersey forces, who, after 
his defence of the Block House at Toms River, was captured by 
the Tories and hanged by them in violation of the usages and laws 
of war. He spoke as follows : 

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of New Jersey — expatriated 
most of you : Those of us who come here from over the border 
are glad to see that you remember your first love. I am very 
much pleased with the compliment of being asked to address you, 
but, having had the good fortune to enjoy the fellowship of a 
fascinating and attractive companion (your Chairman), I have 
talked so much to-night as to have nearly lost my voice in ad- 
vance. In order to keep within the time limit assigned me and 
because I am not going to make a speech, but simply to give yovi 
a bit of history, I have taken the liberty (for I believe it is a 
liberty when one's remarks at a dinner are supposed to be ex- 
temporaneous) to put in writing a few facts. I deserve no special 
credit for them in the way of original investigation, as they 
have chiefly been acquired by the studious care of others, largely 



Addresses, 19 14. 243 

that of the late Gen. W. S. Stryker, of Trenton. They deal with 
the conditions that existed across the river during the Revolu- 
tionary period. At that time the military forces of New Jersey, 
consisting of numerous organizations, were comprised under three 
heads, according tO' the authority calling them into service and 
the geographical limits to their service. The first were the Con- 
tinental forces, known as the First, Second and Third Establish- 
ments of the Continental Line. These were known originally as 
battalions and later as regiments, their organization being 
identical. Their field officers were commissioned by the Con- 
tinental Congress. They were expected to, and in fact did, serve 
wherever ordered, whether within or without the State. They 
did duty at Quebec and Ticonderoga, at Brandywine, German- 
town and Monmouth, against the Indians after Wyoming, at 
Yorktown and in minor engagements within the State itself. 
There were also Jerseymen among the officers and men of other 
portions of the Continental Army, but not in technically New 
Jersey regiments. For example, there was Zebulon Pike, the 
explorer, born at Lamberton (now part of Trenton), who was 
killed in the assault on York (now Toronto), in 18 13. He was 
a cornet in the Continental regiment of Colonel Moylan, of Penn- 
sylvania. The second class consisted of State troops, originally 
organized specifically for State defence, who were commanded by 
officers commissioned by the State and were liable to be carried 
beyond State lines for emergency service. Thirdly, there was 
the militia, consisting of all of the arms-bearing men not already 
included in the two more formal organizations. These had a 
paper organization, and were mobilized for short periods of a 
few weeks at a time to oppose unexpected attacks, such as the 
Simcoe raid on the Raritan; and, upon the emergency passing, 
they were furloughed en masse or otherwise released to carry on 
the agricultural' and other work upon which our people depended. 
Naturally the State troops and the militia were primarily con- 
cerned with the military conditions of the regions from which 
they were raised and which looked to them for immediate pro- 
tection. However, it is difficult to recapitulate the situation at a 
time when war alarms were apt to be heard in our peaceful State. 



244 Ne;w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

New Jersey was an exposed region, and unfortimately not all 
the inhabitants were patriots. There was a considerable sprink- 
ling ,in both New Jersey and Pennsylvania, of "Loyalists," who 
were ready whenever a fair opportunity presented, to maintain 
their views by force of arms. 

Among the State troops was a company of artillery (we 
would call it a battery in these days) which was authorized by 
the State Legislature on September 24, 1777, in response to a 
petition of citizens praying for a guard in the County of Mon- 
mouth. As you know, in those days Monmouth, one of the largest 
counties of the State, had an enormous maritime frontier, extend- 
ing from Raritan Bay, embracing the present County of Ocean, 
and running to south of Tuckerton. We had there a good deal 
of coastwise commerce, including some to the Dutch West Indies, 
which was a friendly base of supplies for the Colonies throughout 
the war. Another condition was the volume of water draining 
toward the sea in that section, which was greater than now. The 
socalled inlets along the coast are really not inlets but outlets, 
where the water from the interior flows out, piercing the barrier 
of islands and bars which guard the mainland, giving access to 
and in part creating numerous harbors for the smaller sea-going 
craft. Some of these were places of refuge, others were centers 
for the entrance of supplies and from which domestic products 
were exported. These exports included a little of grain, more of 
fish and particularly the output of forges and salt works — the 
latter a very important element of Jersey commerce in those days. 
That region of Jersey, though very considerable in extent, was 
rather contemptuously designated as "The Pines," but the health 
and pleasure resorts of the past sixty years have gradually drawn 
attention to it, and it is not fair to it to-day to characterize it 
as barren or semi-barbaric. 

Throughout the Revolution, over the whole of Monmouth 
County there was domestic disaffection on the part of a con- 
siderable minority with hostile operations — often on a small 
scale, it is true — in raids and reprisals — and the characteristic 
bitterness of domestic feuds embroiled the population in frequent 
and bloody disorders, though these had no appreciable influence 



Addresses, 19 14. 245 

in hastening or retarding national independence. The situation 
was distressing for those within its range because, beside the 
guerrilla warfare among the residents themselves, there was the 
constant risk of flying incursions by the British from New York 
and the certainty that relaxed control by the State authorities 
would invite domestic conflict and rapine. It was on that account 
that this artillery command, of which I have spoken, was organ- 
ized. It was known as the Monmouth Artillery. The captaincy 
was given to Joshua Huddy, of Colt's Neck (a few miles north- 
east of Freehold) ; and it may be presumed that a majority of the 
company was enlisted in that county. They were equipped with 
three light field guns, and the men also carried muskets. Accord- 
ing to circumstances the command served as a field battery, with 
guns of position as garrison artillery, or as infantry. They were 
good, practicable, serviceable, all around men, and although re- 
duced in numbers, were still in service in December, 1781, when 
the surrender at Yorktown clearly indicated the ultimate success 
of the Americans. At that time citizens of Monmouth, evidently 
in anticipation of local danger, petitioned the Legislature to station 
Captain Huddy's battery in Dover Township, to protect the salt 
works near the mouth of Toms River, and the company accord- 
ingly was ordered there. Although privately owned, these salt 
works were of great importance to the State. In time of war 
salt works are nearly as important as powder works; at least 
they were until very lately, because, before the development of 
modern methods, they furnished soldiers and civilians alike with 
the indispensable agent for the preservation of meat and fish. 

This particular plant had been frequently threatened and 
three times had been destroyed by the public enemy, so that 
after its re-establishment for the fourth time a small defensive 
work was raised nearby. This usually is referred to as a Block 
House — "the Block House at Toms River." But it really was 
a stockade in the nature of a bridge-head commanding the 
bridge and the storehouse. It was a rectangular enclosure of 
heavy palisades or posts close together, loopholed for mus- 
ketry, with neither gate nor sally-port. It had no roof, and 
the garrison passed in and out by portable ladders. The walls 



246 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

were about seven feet high, and each firmly planted log was 
pointed at the apex. Although not so described, there prob- 
ably was a raised footway along the inner base of the wall — a 
banquette as it is called — from which the defenders might fire 
through an upper tier of loop-holes and perhaps over the wall. 
The permanent armament consisted of four light swivel brass 
cannon, like those used in the bow of whale boats, mounted 
high at the angles, upon solid log bases or emplacements. These 
probably could be withdrawn upon those platforms for loading, 
although an active enemy might very readily make an entrance 
through the embrasures while that was being done. In serving 
these guns the cannoneers must have been in more than ordi- 
nary danger from the enemy's riflemen. 

Captain Huddy took command early in January, 1782. Corn- 
wallis had surrendered three months earlier, and further south 
the enemy was confined to Charleston and Savannah. The last 
organized incursion into New Jersey had been at Springfield in 
July, 1780, eighteen months previously. There was little dis- 
position on the part of the royal Generals (who unquestionably 
foresaw the end sooner than the Cabinet, upon whom the con- 
dition was beginning to dawn) to nibble here and there at the 
revolting territory or to waste life and effort in futile raids and 
skirmishes. But considerations like those did not control the 
native partisans who, adopting the ways of the Indians whom 
they had dispossessed, were chiefly actuated by motives of per- 
sonal revenge — acts of vengeance under the guise of war. They 
did not understand — and not every one yet realizes — that war is 
active armed statesmanship, not a succession of bloody broils. 
There is a wide difference between mere fights and regular 
campaigns. 

The best organized and most actively annoying Tories in 
Monmouth County were under the general direction of the 
Board of Associated Loyalists, an organization which it would 
be well for those of us not familiar with the particular history 
of those times to remember. This Board sat in New York ; its 
chief was William Franklin, the Royal Governor of New Jersey, 
who had been repudiated by the people ; and the expedition with 



Addresses, 19 14. 247 

which we are concerned was prosecuted under its auspices. 
Notwithstanding that it possessed certain discretionary power, 
that Board could have exercised no function in opposition to the 
royal authority, and certainly no warlike expedition could have 
started from New York without the consent, if not by the 
express direction of the military headquarters. The Board of 
Loyalists, it seems to me, may be fairly looked upon as a sort 
of guerrilla bureau which fell back upon the army for moral and 
physical support. It happened then that, by direction of this 
Board, a company of Bucks County Volunteers (that is, people 
on this side of the river) became part of the expedition. Let me 
explain here that in speaking of "Volunteers" during the Revo- 
lution, the reference is to Tories, in more euphemistic phrase. 
Loyalists. They were always classed as "Volunteers." This 
company from Bucks County, about forty strong, under the 
command of Captain Evan Thomas, and eighty armed priva- 
teersmen — perhaps they ought to be called evil-minded mer- 
cenaries — under Lieutenant Blanchard, on Wednesday, the 20th 
of March, 1782 embarked on whale-boats, in New York Bay, 
and sailed down the coast under escort of the armed brigantine 
"Arrogant," Captain Stewart Ross. They were detained at 
Sandy Hook by head winds and, three days later, on Saturday, 
the 23rd, came down and entered Cranberry Inlet, which has 
since been closed. The inlet was a little above Seaside Park 
and admitted square-rigged vessels. There the expedition de- 
barked and, at midnight, moved toward the Toms River settle- 
ment. While on the march a body of armed refugees of unde- 
termined strength, under Richard Davenport, reinforced the 
invaders, evidently by prearrangement. 

Captain Huddy's defiant refusal to surrender was imme- 
diately followed by a furious assault. The villagers appear to 
have taken little part in the defence. Within the stockade were 
one officer and twenty-five enlisted men, with perhaps one or 
two residents, to withstand certainly five times and, with Daven- 
port's accession probably six or seven times as many men in 
the attacking force. A portion of the defenders must have been 
assigned to the care of the cannon ; and it is probable that the 



248 New Je;rsey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

assailants advanced against two faces simultaneously, thus 
dividing the defensive fire and reducing it on any one face to a 
minimum. It is also probable that scaling parties threatened, 
if they did not actually assault, the other two faces. The garri- 
son's muzzle-loading flint-locks required time and care to load 
and prime, and there was no reserve with freshly charged 
muskets for the men at the loop-holes. The much heavier fire 
of the assailants must soon have silenced the partly exposed 
cannon, and it is easy to believe that the more numerous 
attacking party would swarm over the low walls at the first 
vigorous attempt. That is just what happened. Penned within 
their roofless walls, the defenders were shattered by the fire 
poured upon them. Of the Tories two officers fell mortally 
wounded, while Lieutenant Roberts and five Volunteers, and 
also a negro refugee, were badly hurt. They may have suffered 
other unreported casualties, but it is likely that their superior 
numbers rushed the rather ineffectual barrier without serious 
check, and, giving the defence no time to deliver repeated fire, 
by vigorously closing in, plucked the flower safely from the 
nettle danger. Whatever were the particulars of the affair, six 
of the garrison were killed or mortally wounded and two were 
severely wounded ; that is, eight of the twenty-six, nearly thirty- 
one per cent, fell in the savage close-range fighting on that 
horrid Sunday morning. 

That was war, and had it been all there would have been no 
complaint and the affair at Toms River would have sunk into 
the oblivon that absorbs countless other skirmishes. But it was 
not all. What followed made it memorable as the first act of a 
tragedy which, not merely aroused the indignation of those 
directly concerned but echoed through council chambers 
abroad and has forever blackened the reputation of the cruel 
perpetrators. Besides the outrage about to be described, this is 
what happened on the spot. Immediately following the sur- 
render a militia officer resident in the village was fatally 
bayonetted apparently without adequate, if any, provocation. 
The salt works, the objective of this expedition, were de- 
stroyed; the stockade, two mills, the storehouse, all the dwell- 



Addrkssi;s^ 1914- 249 

ings except two and all the boats discovered were burned. 
Significant of the predetermined and later developed plans of 
the Board of Loyalists was the abduction of Daniel Randolph, 
the town Magistrate, who had volunteered as a guard or scout, 
and Jacob Fleming, an aged citizen identified with the patriot 
party. It had been intended also to destroy the salt works at 
Squan and to ravage the country about Shark River, but the 
condition of the woukided raiders compelled the immediate 
return of the raiding party to their base. 

The prisoners, military and civil, were carried on the "Arro- 
gant" to New York, where, on the 25th of March, the day after 
the fight, they were confined in the old Sugar House Prison. 
Whatever its authority, the Board of Loyalists, on April ist, 
transferred Captain Huddy to the Provost Jail. On the 8th of 
April he was placed on a sloop, in irons, and on the 9th he and 
the civilian captives, Fleming and Randolph, were sent to the 
guard-ship "Britannia" off Sandy Hook. There is no record 
that he received any trial, if indeed trial for a military prisoner 
taken in battle is conceivable or the Board was in any respect 
competent to order it, particularly for a capital ofifence. Cap- 
tain Richard Lippincott, a Loyalist of Shrewsbury Township, 
in Monmouth County, in the English military service, was 
ordered to the "Britannia," into the immediate control of Cap- 
tain Huddy; and on the morning of the 12th of April, 1782, 
Captain Huddy was taken from the ship by Captain Lippincott 
and sixteen Tories, in a boat manned by six of the "Britannia's" 
seamen. They landed at Gravelly Point, on the Bay, where, in 
the shadows of the Highlands and within easy sound of the 
lapping water, Captain Huddy was hung with a rope supplied 
by the ship and from a gallows extemporized from three rails 
or poles with a barrel as a platform. He was not executed but 
simply hung. The only humane incident in the whole transac- 
tion was allowing him to dictate his will and to sign it, the 
barrel serving as a desk. His last public utterance was, "I 
shall die innocent in a good cause." His use of the word "inno- 
cent" had reference to charges of his having had some connec- 
tion with the death of an individual named White. 



250 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

The body remained hanging until four o'clock that afternoon, 
when it was carried to Freehold; and there, three days later, the 
funeral sermon was preached in front of the Freehold Hotel by 
the Rev. John Woodhull, pastor of the Tennent Church. But 
the place of interment is not known. If any of you gentlemen 
can discover where Captain Huddy is buried you will render a 
public service of importance. The Tennent Church is two or 
three miles out of Freehold, and the fact that its pastor was the 
speaker on the funeral occasion gave rise to a presumption that 
the burial took place at that church, but this is not corroborated. 

The bald facts of the tragedy have now been recited. These 
are the circumstances that clothe it with special atrocity. Joshua 
Huddy, holding a military commission from the Commonwealth, 
was entitled to all the rights with which the usages of war en- 
dow a martial representative of the State. He had been over- 
powered and captured in a formal process of organized warfare. 
As a captive he had been successively confined in the Old Sugar 
House Prison, the Provost Jail and the Naval Guard-ship. All 
these were under British military control, and the officers in com- 
mand were responsible for the prisoners and for what befell them. 
From their custody, and by their passive assent, if not their 
active co-operation, Captain Huddy was carried off and hung. 

When Lippincott's behavior was investigated he claimed that 
everything he had done was under oral, confidential instructions 
from the Board, which had been organized by the British Com- 
mander-in-Chief; and a General Court-martial sustained his plea 
of not guilty on the ground that he was simply the executive of 
higher authority and bound to comply with its requirements. 
But no military code justifies compliance with a manifestly illegal 
order. Whatever the authority, real or usurped, under which 
Lippincott acted, what happened to Captain Huddy, in repudia- 
tion of his rights and in defiance of military law, was death by 
hanging — a penalty reserved for spies and the baser criminals. 
This outrage, arbitrarily inflicted on the formal ground of retri- 
bution, took place not within the British lines nor under military 
procedure but was carried out by a posse of refugees on ground 
held only for the instant by force of arms and where the victim 



Addresses, 1914. 251 

was left suspended so that his compatriots might view and pon- 
der on his wretched end. There can be no shadow of doubt that, 
taking advantage of their possession of his body, the Board of 
Loyahsts dehberately doomed to unworthy death this worthy 
man. That he was on his way to death was announced to him 
by an acquaintance who, it seems, had knowledge of the Board's 
decision and who met him as he boarded the sloop which took 
him to the guard-ship on the 8th of April. 

After the rope had been placed around his neck, this ungram- 
matical but malignantly significant inscription, which had been 
submitted to Governor Franklin before the party left New York, 
was affixed to Captain Huddy's breast and was left there after 
his death, a mortal threat to his fellow patriots : 

"We, the Refugees, having with grief beheld the cruel mur- 
ders of our brethren and finding nothing but such measures daily 
carrying into execution; we, therefore, determine not to suffer 
without taking vengeance for the numerous cruelties, and thus 
begun, having made use of Huddy as the first object to present 
to your view, and further determine tO' hang man for man as 
long as a Refugee is left existing. Up goes Huddy for Philip 
White." 

There is no vestige of any judicial action there. It is the 
crudest retaliatory lynching. 

We need not follow this case in further detail. It is true that, 
notwithstanding the virulent feelings and savage outbreaks that 
characterized the irregular civil warfare between the discordant 
inhabitants of parts of Monmouth County, there is no evidence 
that Captain Huddy took the life of any of his country's foes ex- 
cept in open action. In justice to the Tories we admit that they 
did not connect Captain Huddy (who had himself been a pris- 
oner four days when it occurred) with Philip White's death. 
White, arrested and held as a marauder, was killed not in cold 
blood but in an attempt to escape from an armed guard, and this 
occurred after Captain Huddy had been four days in confinement. 
His execution was simply a rudimental attempt at reprisal. With 
diabolic satire Captain Lippincott reported to this Board that he 
had exchanged Captain Huddy for Philip White. 



252 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Immediately upon learning of Captain Huddy's fate, General 
Washington, on April 21st, sent to the British Commander-in- 
Chief, Sir Henry Clinton, a statement fortified by official docu- 
ments, and demanded the surrender of Captain Lippincott or of 
the officer in command at the hanging. General Clinton, reply- 
ing on the twenty-fifth, stigmatized the act as "a barbarous out- 
rage against humanity," and announced that, before hearing 
from General Washington, he had ordered a strict inquiry and 
that he should immediately try the perpetrator. On the next day, 
the twenty-sixth, he forbade the Board of Loyalists to remove 
any prisoner from his place of confinement, thereby drawing its 
fangs. 

Captain Lippincott was tried by court-martial but, as he sat- 
isfied the Court that he had acted under the orders of Governor 
Franklin as President of the Board, which he believed to be his 
duty, he was found not guilty. Governor Franklin himself, fore- 
seeing Lippincott's acquittal and that it would throw both the 
onus and the odium of guilt upon his Board, precipitately took 
passage for England before the finding of the Court was promul- 
gated and thus passed out of the military jurisdiction. Sir Guy 
Carleton, who relieved Sir Henry Clinton on May 5th, distinctly 
reaffirmed General Clinton's disavowal of the act as one abhor- 
rent to him, and as violating all usages of war and the inherent 
rights of prisoners. But he took no effective action. 

After it was seen that Lippincott, the active and willing 
agent of the Board in this catastrophe, would not be surrendered, 
Washington convened a council of twenty-five senior officers, 
who decided to select from the prisoners of war one of equal rank 
with Huddy to be executed in reprisal. The lot was cast with 
due formality by fourteen British officers held in Pennsylvania, 
Maryland and Virginia; and the malign choice fell upon Cap- 
tain Charles Asgill, of of the First Foot Guards, captured at 
Yorktown, who thereupon was transferred to Morristown, in this 
State, to be held awaiting the transfer of Lippincott or of the 
responsible authority. This victim of chance was in his twen- 
tieth year, the son and heir of a wealthy English Baronet, Sir 
Charles Asgill, and was popular as well as socially important. 
Every opportunity was given by delay for compliance with the 



Addresses, 1914. 253 

American demands ; and it is said that the King ordered Lippin- 
cott's surrender, though this is unhkely because no such order 
was comphed with. Lady Theresa Asgill, his mother, made 
strenuous exertions to secure her son's rehef from his predica- 
ment, visiting the Court of France and begging the personal in- 
tervention of our alHes and also appealing to the States of Hol- 
land, our friends, for their favorable influence. Both France 
and Holland did intercede, and finally the Continental Congress, 
by direct order, released Captain Asgill; who reached England 
December 15th, 1782, almost exactly one hundred and thirty- 
two years ago. At that time his case was known everywhere, 
abroad and at home. Doubtless because Asgill had been at 
Yorktown, there was a special reason for granting the request 
of our royal ally by whose material help the victory there had 
been won. The young man who so narrowly escaped becoming a 
vicarious sacrifice succeeded to his father's baronetcy and uli- 
mately became a General Ofiicer in the British army. The Con- 
gressional resolution setting him at liberty was passed on No- 
vember 7th, 1782. The next week Washington reminded Carle- 
ton of his promise to make further inquiry and to collect evidence 
for the prosecution of such persons as might appear to have been 
incriminated in the transaction. But the war was obviously 
drawing to a close, a provisional treaty of peace was signed 
abroad on the 30th of that very month, and whatever abstract 
justice might demand, in a broad sense it would have been im- 
politic as well as cruel to execute in cold blood an innocent vic- 
tim merely in reprisal — a form of revenge — when there was no 
prospect that the primary offence would or could be repeated. 
Nevertheless, whatever its motive, the British Government, civil 
and military, showed no disposition, at any time after the trial 
of Captain Lippincott, to satisfy justice by the transfer of the 
offender or even to determine for itself who had violated dis- 
cipline and had committed this crime against its military honor. 
Such indifference to justice and such heartless arrogance explains 
in part why our Revolutionary ancestors loathed British control. 
Time has not obliterated such memories by all of their sons. 

It may interest those who have followed this story to know 
that, four years ago last month, one of the patriotic societies of 



254 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

our State erected upon the very spot on which he met his death 
a monument as a tribute to Captain Huddy's bravery, upon which 
is this inscription: 

"Here Captain Joshua Huddy of the Monmouth County Artil- 
lery, a prisoner of war, captured on March 24th, 1782, while 
defending a block house at Toms River, was hung by Tories with- 
out warrant, on April 12th, 1782. 

"The British authorities repudiated but did not atone for the 
crime. The Sons of the Revolution in New Jersey have set up 
this stone to the memory of the patriotic victim." 

It is also interesting to note that Captain Huddy's services to 
the country were not confined to military operations on land. 
On August 1 8th, 1778, he was granted by the State of Pennsyl- 
vania a letter of marque for the armed boat "Rattlesnake," which 
carried one swivel gun and a crew of fourteen men. Her home 
port was Philadelphia. It is probable that the actual commander 
of this privateer was, at least temporarily, transferred to a col- 
league, for it would not be consistent with his artillery service 
which was then in full operation, for him at the same time to be 
upon the sea. This enterprise, however, shows his versatility and 
his zeal in supporting the cause of the country. 

Gentlemen, I apologize for having occupied so^ much of your 
time with a serious subject on an occasion of social festivity; but 
it was hardly my own fault as the theme was assigned to me for 
a response, although I may have spoken at greater length thar 
was anticipated. (Long continued applause.) 

The President : Gentlemen, I am sure we are all grateful 
to General Woodhull for his interesting address, and I tender to 
him an assurance of our appreciation of it.' 

"If you can keep your head when all about you 

Are losing theirs and blaming it on you ; 
If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you 

But make allowance for their doubting too ; 
If you can wait and not be tired by waiting, 

Or being lied about don't deal in lies, 
Or being hated don't give way to hating, 

And yet don't look too good, nor talk too wise." 



Addresses, 19 14. 255 

You know the rest of that masterpiece of Kipling's. The 
ideal man as set forth in these lines is well typified in one we have 
with us to-night, a man who is the leading national representa- 
tive of the Republican Party. You all know him. He needs no 
introduction from me. I have the honor and pleasure of present- 
ing tO' you the Hon. Boies Penrose, our representative from this 
Commonwealth in the Senate of the United States. 

Senator Penrose was greeted with cheers, the waving of 
handkerchiefs and many demonstrations of enthusiasm. He 
said: 

Mr. President and members of the New Jersey Society: I 
have listened with very great interest to the paper just read by 
General Woodhull. It reminded me that, in my travels up and 
down Delaware Bay and the New Jersey coast, I had frequently 
noted scenes of many notable exploits, on land and water, dur- 
ing the Revolutionary period. I was astonished, the other day, 
in reading a biography of Commodore Barry, to learn, what I had 
not realized before, of the number of notable naval engagements 
fought between Trenton and the Capes of the Delaware ; and in 
prowhng around the estuaries and inlets of the Jersey coast I 
have had personal observation of canals and outlets cut by the 
British and the American patriots during the war. I believe it 
would be well to make the reading of a paper upon some inter- 
esting event of local history in Colonial days a feature of these 
meetings of State societies. (Applause.) 

Southern New Jersey and Eastern Pennsylvania were settled, 
in the beginning, by practically the same class of newcomers, 
people of good English, Quaker stock. Some of them stayed on 
the west side of the Delaware River and some of them went up 
Rancocas Creek, and in various directions into the interior of 
New Jersey, their choice oi location depending upon existing 
conditions. General Woodhull reminded me, in conversation 
this evening, that an ancestor of mine, William Biddle, was one 
of the original founders of New Jersey and a partner in the Pro- 
prietary Government. My father. Dr. Penrose, an old-time 
physician of Philadelphia, was one of the pioneers of Atlantic 



256 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

City. When the railroad was built to that now famous resort, 
he was invited by the railroad officials to take an interest in the 
place as a health resort, and he became to some extent identified 
with it. He always thought that the New Jersey coast was one 
of the healthiest in the world. As a boy I was practically 
brought up at Atlantic City, and I attribute much of my good 
health to the time I have spent there. Although born in Penn- 
sylvania, I feel that, by reason of my ancestry and long famil- 
iarity with New Jersey, I am not a stranger among you and that 
my claim to consideration as a Jerseyman is as valid as that of 
any other non-resident. I have attended dinners of your So- 
ciety and have felt more than ordinary interest in all that was 
said by the speakers of the great development and prosperity of 
New Jersey. I have real estate at Atlantic City, and here let me 
improve the opportunity to say that I will sell it to any of you 
at a reasonable figure. 

(A Voice: At war prices?) 

At war prices. (Merriment.) 

The typical Jerseyman has been so frequently and fully de- 
scribed that we are all familiar with his sailient features. One 
characteristic that I have noticed is his modesty. The Irishman 
began, one hundred and fifty years ago, to celebrate the virtues of 
St. Patrick; the Welshman, nearly as far back, organized his 
brethren to honor St. David; the Englishman, also at regular 
periods, jubiliated in honor of St. George; and the native sons 
of many of our commonwealths had their reunions; but it was 
not until eight years ago that the Jerseyman awoke to the great- 
ness of his State and founded the New Jersey Society. It was 
my privilege to be present at its birth and I have attended, I 
think, all of its dinners except the last one or two. 

Now, I have not a long speech to make to-night. When 
there was some doubt about whether the Hon. J. Hampton Moore 
would be with us I was asked to add thirty or forty minutes to 
my time limit, but the arrival of that gentleman has relieved me 
from assuming the obligation. I made so many speeches in the 
late campaign in Pennsylvania that the speech-making habit 



Addresses, 19 14. 257 

seemed to control me and, although naturally a man of brevity, 
I found myself occupying an hour or an hour and a half in ex- 
plaining my views, becoming fascinated with the sound of my 
own voice and, in that respect, beginning tO' resemble some of the 
stellar attractions of the Democratic and Progressive Parties. 
Now, when attempting to reform the habit, I am confronted with 
another period of speech-making. The axiom promulgated, I 
think, by Governor Marcy, of New York, "To the victor belongs 
the spoils," is supplemented by that of "To the victor comes the 
banquet." The Republicans won in Pennsylvania on the 3rd of 
November and, the State ticket being lengthy and headed by four 
Congressmen-at-Large, the successful candidates are so numer- 
ous that we have been attending banquets ever since. Already 
I have been present at three of them to myself and have another 
for to-morrow night. The festive season is just opening and, 
with banquets to George Washington, U. S. Grant, William Mc- 
Kinley and Thomas Jefferson, with celebrations of the Battle of 
the Boyne, the Battle of New Orleans and the rest, together with 
the reunions of the Ohio, Delaware and other State societies, the 
prospect becomes appalling. There will be no cessation until we 
celebrate St. Patrick's Day, an occasion when every true Irish- 
man who feels the spirit moving him imagines he is another Pat- 
rick Henry. 

It is said to be characteristic oi all great cities that most of 
the contributors to their progress and wealth are men who came 
from outside of the limits of those cities. I suppose that is ap- 
proximately correct. We have an illustration of it in Philadel- 
phia, many of whose prominent men came from the interior of 
our State, from New England, from Delaware and elsewhere; 
and not the least valuable contribution to the greatness of our 
city is the New Jersey contingent. Most Philadelphians delight 
to go over to New Jersey, and the people there seem to like to 
come to Philadelphia. There has certainly been a period of up- 
lift and progress in political conditions in New Jersey from the 
reign of the Duke of Gloucester and the halcyon days of the Glou- 
cester race track up until the era of Wilson and Senator Martine. 



17 



-D' 



New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 



Now, gentlemen, I will not detain you longer as I am suffer- 
ing from a bad cold, but I beg to assure you that in all things 
pertaining to the welfare of New Jersey I am deeply interested. 
No section of the country presents a more inviting field for a 
manufacturing plant than northern New Jersey, where an abund- 
ance of labor can be supplied and all kinds of transportation 
readily secured. Whether it is the deepening of the harbor at 
Atlantic City or Cape May, or the development of the industries of 
northern New Jersey when tariff legislation comes up, you can, 
all of you, call upon me and feel that you can get my help as 
readily as you would if you were citizens of Philadelphia. (Ap- 
plause. ) 

The President : It is related of a sentimental young lady 
who was a great lover of nature, that while wandering along the 
seashore, she remarked to a fisherman whom she met : "Oh, sir, 
have you ever noticed the moods of nature — have you ever seen 
the sun in all its glory burning up the horizon with fire — have 
you not seen the mist gliding down from the hill-top like a spectre 
— have you never," she went on impassionately, "seen the moon 
in the grip of the ragged, rugged storm cloud ?" His reply was, 
"No, Miss, I used to see them things but I am^ on the water 
wagon now." (Merriment.) We have with us to-night a friend 
and fellow Jerseyite who^ has always been on the water wagon, 
I think, and yet has had beautiful visions of the possibilities of 
our inland waterways, the widening of our harbors, the deepen- 
ing of our channels, the lighting of our ports; and who has ac- 
complished, in his efforts for the attainment of these objects, 
probably more than has been accomplished by any other Repre- 
sentative at Washington. At the last session of Congress a 
Member from this city tried to usurp some of the credit that was 
due to our friend, and on the 3rd of November the constituents 
of that Member left him at home, and now our friend has the 
field clear, I hope. By his capability, his argumentative force and 
great oratorical powers he has convinced the Rivers and Har- 
bors Committee of Congress of the importance of deepening the 
channel of our Delaware River. 



Addresses, 19 14. 259 

It happened to be my privileg-e and pleasure, some years ago, 
to be appointed one of the delegates to go down the river at the 
time it was viewed by some of the Representatives who were 
members of the Congressional Committee; and on that occasion 
our Representative here was the head and front of the expedition. 
It was through him that those Committeemen were induced to 
bring their influence to bear upon Congress to make such appro- 
priations as it did make. This gentleman, like the speaker who 
preceded him, needs no introduction from me. I refer with pleas- 
ure to our fellow member and friend, the Hon. J. Hampton 
Moore. 

Congressman Moore was hailed with delight. Referring to 
the laudatory terms in which he had been introduced he said that, 
having suggested the President's acceptance of membership in 
the Society, he thought that that gentleman was now returning 
the compliment. He continued : 

Our President has said that our little State has produced some 
remarkable men and that her sons have become factors in the 
development of this great Union of States; he has dilated upon 
many of them; but not one word has he said about that golden- 
haired boy of his own creation who, with eager face and hands 
extended, appears upon placards in every railroad town in the 
country, pleading for just one glass of Hires' Root Beer, (Merri- 
ment. ) Children cry for that popular beverage ; it is in demand 
from Maine to California and from the L-akes to the Gulf, and 
yet the Chairman has utterly failed to include it amongst those 
things for which New Jersey is famous. Moreover in that de- 
vastated country beyond the sea, where millions of war victims 
are now receiving aid from the people of the United States, that 
favorite brand of condensed milk which is manufactured by the 
President of this Society has proven its beneficence as one of the 
saviours of human life. So that at Washington, you see, I read 
the newspapers and keep track of notable Jerseymen; and I am 
not blind to the fact that perhaps the best known member of this 
Society to-day is the man who guides its affairs as President. 
Talk of famous men ! You don't have to go beyond our Chair- 



26o New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

man — the man you have just selected to succeed Nathan Folwell 
and Walter Wood — to find the very acme of distinction as it 
springs out of the sandhills of New Jersey. (Merriment and ap- 
plause.) Now, I hope that this is a fair return for the introduc- 
tion. 

I was more than delighted to-night with the address delivered 
by General Woodhull, which Senator Penrose, while suffering 
from a severe cold, came all the way from Washington to hear. 
The General told us something worth knowing, something worth 
remembering as Jerseymen. His interesting description of a 
notable incident in the early history of our State is one which 
ought to be treasured in the memory of all who revere our patri- 
otic Jersey forefathers. He spoke of Captain Joshua Huddy. 
That was fine, but when he mentioned Cranberry Inlet he revived, 
on the part of Judge Gaskill and myself, recollections of strenuous 
efforts to navigate what is left of that stream. How many men 
here, as suggested by the General in respect to- another matter, 
can locate Cranberry Inlet on the map. Few indeed. I have old 
records which fix its location. My little cottage by the sea, not 
far from Judge Gaskill's, is situated on what was the bank of a 
once important stream leading up to Toms River and the salt 
works which were captured by the Tories who hanged Captain 
Huddy. So do time and tides change our geography. 

On several occasions encouragement has been given in this 
Society for the recital of important events in Jersey history. The 
one we have heard to-night is full of interest. With respect to 
Cranberry Inlet we are reminded of other changes along the coast 
that have been caused by recessions of the land and encroach- 
ments of the ocean, obliterating some of the inlets of which 
Cranberry Inlet was one. There are still standing, out in the 
ocean, not far from those old salt works, the stumps of cedar 
trees which indicate the extent of the changes that have taken 
place. It is a matter of notoriety amongst some of the older 
residents of that section that their forbears passed in and out 
of Cranberry Inlet; and yet it has been closed for, lo, perhaps 
these hundred years. Such transitions may well engage our 
careful thought and inquiry. 



Addresses, 19 14. 261 

There are many things elsewhere along the Atlantic seaboard 
to interest those who study present waterway changes upon the 
Jersey coast. Some of them develop on the shores of North 
Carolina. There the sand dunes are similar to those of New 
Jersey; a bar of sand streaching along and separating great bodies 
of fresh or brackish water from the salt water, and protecting the 
mainland from the storms that sometimes devastate the coast. 
The expedition of Sir Walter Raleigh, the first attempt by Eng- 
lish people to settle upon this continent, entered an inlet similar 
to Cranberry Inlet at Croaten Sound, above Cape Hatteras, and 
stopped at Roanoke Island, but the inlet through which the en- 
trance was made has disappeared. Nature has changed the 
whole waterline and has duplicated there the incident of Cran- 
berry Inlet here. 

The Society is to be congratulated upon having General Wood- 
hull give us a little solid historical data. He was particularly in- 
teresting in his reference to the Tories or Loyalists, the people 
who were not favorable to independence, who avoided conscrip- 
tion for army service and otherwise discouraged the Revolution. 
They played their part in the history of our State. Stories and 
incidents of the Jersey Pines in the days of the Revolution, and 
since, also^ would make an interesting chapter, though it might 
not always be creditable. 

And I have in mind that class of native Jerseymen who always 
interest us and whom we have seen along the Jersey coast. When 
you came to understand the type you could not fail to be im- 
pressed with their independence, their manliness and their self- 
reliance. These were their distinguishing characteristics. Plain 
and honest, proud of their origin, they were like the descendents 
of old time Southern gentlemen, reluctant to solicit favors and not 
tolerating condescension from others. I have known them to 
refuse a gift, even a cigar or a pipe of tobacco, proffered by a 
stranger. They would deprive themselves of their smoke rather 
than to feel under an obligation. We have seen them living from 
year to year upon their earnings from carrying passengers upon 
fishing smacks in July and August. Even at this they maintained 
themselves in comparative comfort and without complaint. They 



262 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyi^vania. 

had not acquired the dress suit habit. They could catch enough 
fish and cultivate enough vegetables to carry them through a 
winter. They had their own way of living in their humble cot- 
tages, were thoroughly independent, and were capable of passing 
judgment intelligently upon public officials of the State or the 
nation. 

And then there were the native lifeguards, who still perform 
their perilous duties with universal satisfaction along the Jersey 
coast and who sometimes yield up their lives in saving others. 
Let us look in upon them as they were in their red frame shacks 
perched between the dunes or patrolling the beach regularly and, 
on Sundays, gathering together to read the Bible or swap stories 
or listen to any visitor who might come to give them a friendly 
word. Their quarters up to a few years ago, as you will recall, 
were unfit, barn-like structures, and yet they took life contentedly 
as it came to them. An old stove, a few bunks and a man cook 
were the principal accessories. But even so they had their happy 
traits. I recall an instance in which a number of us got together 
and used our influence at Washington to get rid of one of the 
old houses. A commodious structure was finally secured for the 
men, with fine bedrooms and other accommodations. It was the 
talk of the beach, and the men were proud of it. But listen to 
the native gossip in the course of a few months thereafter, "Fine 
house you've got now, Johnty." "Yes," says Johnty like a lord 
of creation, "it's purty nice but it's going to take a harry of work 
to keep it clean," Then again, "that cupola up there'll be a durn 
fine lookout, Amos? Ought to make patrollin' easy?" "Yes," 
was the laconic reply, "that's right, but it'll be mighty cold up 
there in winter." (Laughter.) Talk to them and find fault as 
you like but don't tread on the toes of a Jerseyman to the man- 
ner born, for he knows his rights and does not fear to maintain 
them. 

Mr. Moore here started another ripple of merriment by ex- 
plaining that his name appeared on the program as Chairman 
of the Committee on Speakers and also as a speaker, although he 
had no thought of making a speech. "This was the work of 
Howard B. French," he said, "but I might as well claim it as 



Addresses, 19 14. 263 

mine. What's the use of being Chairman of the Speakers Com- 
mittee unless they let you make a speech." He said he had just 
been chided by Judge Gaskill for having made thirty-seven 
speeches on one occasion, at a single banquet. He continued : 

Of course I did, for I paid for the banquet. And if I was as 
popular as Governor Stokes or as rich as J. B. Van Sciver I would 
go into the banquet business so that I could ventilate my eloquence 
freely. One of the surest ways of acquiring a reputation as an 
after-dinner speaker is to pay for the dinner. (Laughter.) 

The distinguished Senator from Pennsylvania has made a 
complimentary reference to my "long distance talking" ability. 
The truth is there is little opportunity for me to display that 
ability at Washington because after five minutes the gavel falls, 
and even if I do bob up again it falls after the next five minutes 
and that's the end. Over in the Senate they talk as long as they 
please, and the gavel never falls. One of the amusing stories 
down in Washington centers around Senator Penrose and one of 
my predecessors from the Third District. When called upon by 
the Chairman of his Committee for an opinion on a pending bill 
the distinguished Representative is said to have replied, "What 
do I think about it? Oh, I don't think at all, Penrose does my 
thinking." (Merriment.) They used to unload a good deal 
upon the Senator. It was very gratifying to me to-night, however, 
to hear Senator Penrose state his readiness to listen to people 
from New Jersey as well as to those from Pennsylvania and other 
States should they desire to make known to the Senate their 
views on the tariff question. That assures a respectful hearing of 
those views because, whether the fact is appreciated in this "neck 
of the woods" or not, the distinguished Senator who is your guest 
to-night is the leading Republican in official rank in the United 
States Senate. (Applause.) 

Now, gentlemen, you are business men and, if not owners of 
establishments, are at least interested in the prosperity of busi- 
ness. What have you done to retain that hold upon business 
which has been seriously disturbed during the last two or three 
years? This question occurred to me to-night in conversation 
with that brilliant Jerseyman, Edward C. Stokes, who as Gov- 



264 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

ernor served the people of his State with very great credit. I 
have no desire to obtrude politics upon a festive occasion, but 
sometimes it seems proper at these gatherings to propound a 
serious thought. In order to develop it briefly let me address 
my inquiry not to you but to John D. Rockefeller or Andrew 
Carnegie and to that formidable assemblage of "big interests" 
who are supposed to congregate around Wall Street, New York. 
What have you, Rockefeller, and you, Carnegie, and you, "Big 
Interests," done to restrain the spirit of anarchy, of socialism, of 
unrest, that has occasionally cropped out in this country in spite 
of your charitable and educational foundations? With all your 
wealth what have you done to help the country to withstand that 
insidious undercurrent of discontent that threatens the pros- 
perity and menaces the foundations of business establishments 
like those of members of this Society? You give millions of 
dollars for spectacular display while right under your noses 
socialistic magazines and organs with anarchistic tendencies, 
inspired by irresponsible writers and some of the very professors 
supported by your benefactions, are pouring intO' the minds of the 
people of this land theories and notions that breed antagonism to 
the Constitution of the United States and defiance to the laws of 
the country. What are you doing to help the plain people to a 
clearer understanding of the problems and responsibilities of 
government? What are you doing to help the business men to 
get on better terms with their employees and to teach the em- 
ployees that their best interests are interwoven with the pros- 
perity of their employers? Are you aiding in this or are you 
allowing funds devoted to philanthropic purposes to be so used 
and so diverted that ultimately we shall have so much "higher 
education" that there will be no regard for the constructive and 
productive elements of the country? Not long since I had oc- 
casion to say to a body of men in Washington, who were com- 
plaining of expenditures with reference to rivers and harbors that 
in forty years we had expended out of the business and out of the 
toil of the country more than two billions of dollars for the sup- 
port of the navy, nearly two billions of dollars for the mainten- 
ance of the army, four billion, five hundred million to pay the old 



Addresses, 19 14. 265 

soldiers their pensions, while upon the constructive works in 
rivers and harbors, from which the revenue of the country is 
derived, the total expenditure was only $693,000,000. Men of 
big business may or may not be watching the modern trend in 
matters of this kind, but whether they are or not, the law of self- 
preservation would suggest that, instead of a supine compliance 
with all the demagogy of the cheap magazines and the encourage- 
ment of the intellectually unemployed tO' agitate it, there should 
be a consistent and determined effort to resume constructive 
works, whether they be in the nature of rivers and harbors or 
of those factories and business establishments which are essential 
to the employment and contentment of labor. (Applause.) 

The President : Gentlemen, you have heard of the two ex- 
tremes of temperament that find expression in the optimist and 
the pessimist. AVe all love the former but have little use for the 
latter. I recollect having heard a story of two Mennonite 
brethren, one of the tenets of whose faith is a belief that there 
will come a time when the bodies of the dead will rise from their 
graves. These brethren had imbibed too' freely of strong liquor 
while journeying along a country road and, in their intoxicated 
condition were overcome and fell by the wayside — one in front of 
a graveyard and the other near an open field. A party of school- 
boys came along and, by way of having a little sport, carried the 
body of one of the men to a freshly dug grave in the cemetery, 
deposited it there and partially buried it. The other man they 
placed in the center of a circle of brush which they set on fire. 
This fellow, aroused from his stupor by the heat, came to his 
senses, and looking around in a dazed sort of way, exclaimed, 
"In hell — ^just as I expected." The occupant of the grave, being 
revived by the cold earth, pushed away the debris above him, 
poked his head above the surface, and looking around, yelled, 
"Resurrection morn, and I am the first one up." He seems to 
have been a good representative of an optimist, as the other 
fellow was of a pessimist. 

We have with us to-night one of the most progressive, in- 
sistent optimists that I think can be found anywhere — our City 



266 Ne;w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Statistician. He has probably done more good than any other 
citizen of Philadelphia in promoting a hopeful, cheerful spirit 
in business cirles and fostering anticipatons of comng prosperity. 
I refer to Mr. Cattell, who represents the City Government on 
this occasion, 

Mr. Cattell's characteristic humor kept the tables in a roar. 
His remarks, interspersed with outbursts of merriment, were as 
follows : 

Mr. President, guests and gentlemen of the New Jersey So- 
ciety: Your Toastmaster has seen fit to introduce me with a 
graveyard story. Perhaps this is justified by my ancient appear- 
ance, my bald head ; and yet you never see cheap furniture with 
a marble top. This introduction may be appropriate, judged by 
outward appearance, and yet it is slightly discouraging to a man 
as modest as myself; but when you come to think of it perhaps 
this graveyard introduction, in this Manufacturers' Club, repre- 
senting, as it does, our great wealth-producing line of activity, 
is not wholly inappropriate. Let me explain. 

Some years ago, in a graveyard in Inverness, Scotland, I read 
these lines on a tombstone, "I was well, I wanted to be better, 
here I am." Without any distortion of fact, perhaps, these words 
can be applied to the great industry represented by this club. We 
were well, in the opinion of some experts, we wanted to be better 
— "here we are" with scant employment, doubtful outlook, de- 
pression of spirits. It is a pretty good rule in life to let well 
enough alone; on the other hand, pessimism never pays. There 
is always an optimistic point of view. Only last week a little 
Irishman fell downstairs in the Land Title Building. When we 
picked him up he said, "Well, I was coming down anyway." It 
would be better perhaps for us, representing great interests, to 
take the philosophical attitude and say we were "coming down 
anyway;" to pull ourselves together, get upon our feet, go in 
again and win another splendid victory with its immeasurable 
mental, moral and financial rewards. We are in a transition 
period, it seems to me, and I think the turn has come for the bet- 
ter. For some years the mood destructive has ruled the day ; the 



Addresses, 19 14. 267 

critic has taken the place of the creator; the man who never 
did anything has been bullying the man who has already done 
many things. We have had regulation-run men ; and sometimes 
regulation iims quickly into annihilation. A few years ago a 
friend of mine was very much annoyed, one night, by the barking 
of his dog. Going into the next room, where the dog was shut 
up, he took him by the neck, threw open the window and held him 
out in the cold until the dog froze to death. He succeeded in get- 
ting rid of the nuisance represented by the barking of the dog, 
but there was a sequel — two weeks later we buried my friend as 
a result of a severe attack of pneumonia, contracted while he was 
killing the dog. 

In getting rid of a number of so-called nuisances the body 
politic has run a pretty good risk of going into the graveyard 
itself. But the danger has been recognized, there has been a 
right-about-face, and we are marching now in the right direction. 
The Government at Washington represents a tremendous power, 
but that power is small in comparison with the power of a hun- 
dred million people thoroughly aroused. Yes, Washington is a 
wonderful illustration of power. Each Congress considers about 
thirty-six thousand bills with a net result that it grinds out four 
hundred laws — 395 unconstitutional and five unworkable — for 
which performance the Nation uncomplainingly pays about 
$15,000 a day. But, as I remarked, our recuperative powers are 
wonderful, and we will prosper not because of Congress but in 
spite of it. One morning I asked a darkey coachman why he 
looked so sad. He replied, "My wife is going to die." "What 
makes you think she is going to die?" I asked. "Well," he said, 
"the doctor says so, and he knows what he's giving her." 

Returning to my suggestion about our tremendous recupera- 
tive powers, many of them at present unsuspected by the great 
mass of the people, I am reminded of an incident connected with 
my recent visit to North Carolina. Wandering to the outskirts 
of the city, I came unexpectedly to a circus ground. Standing near 
the entrance was a side show in which was being exhibited a prize 
bull. While I scanned the attractive canvas depicting this un- 
paralleled specimen, a backwoods farmer, with his wife and four- 



268 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

teen children, came up to the ticket office. "How much to see 
the prize bull ?" asked the farmer. "Ten cents," replied the man. 
"How much for the children?" "Same price, ten cents each. 
How many children have you, though?" "Fourteen," came the 
answer. "Fourteen children," exclaimed the ticket seller; "all 
right; walk right in; I will give you a half dollar to let my prize 
bull see you." 

We have unsuspected powers, and I believe that as a nation 
we are thoroughly aroused. I am not in the least afraid to go 
on record as predicting that within eighteen months, in spite of 
present handicaps and the continuing influence of foolish legis- 
lation in times past, we will enter the greatest era of prosperity 
ever enjoyed by any country in any age. I feel that new leaders 
are coming to the front — men who have the courage of their 
opinions, men whose opinions are founded upon a broad Amer- 
ican habit of viewing things in the round, of thinking in conti- 
nents rather than countries. I believe the wreckers, the malignant 
critics, have seen the writing on the wall ; that we shall hear more 
talk in the near future of the great things we have done, of our 
successes, than of the petty and mean acts and failures resulting 
therefrom. Of course no man can be absolutely certain that his 
opinion is correct. There will always remain, in every situation, 
an element of doubt on the knees of the Gods, but looking at the 
thing sanely and steadily I can see nothing but the hopeful in the 
prospect of days to come. I happened to be on Charles Street, 
in Baltimore, and was talking to a friend, when a colored girl 
came along, pushing a baby carriage ; and he said to me, "Wait 
a moment, Cattell, that girl used to live with us." Then he ac- 
costed her with "What a pretty child — -is it your child?" "Yes," 
she said. "Does it favor its father?" he asked. "I can't say, 
sir," she replied, "I met its father at a masked ball." 

Really, gentlemen, I feel that any honest observer or student 
of actual conditions must return from such a study here in 
America a convinced optimist. 

When I talked to eleven hundred boys from Ohio, gathered 
in the court yard of City Hall, a week ago^ — a party of prize 
winners from the State of Ohio, each receiving this trip tO' the 



Addresses, 19 14. 269 

East as a reward for having increased the output of corn in his 
section — it seeemd to me I had received the answer to my prayer 
that I might "see the vision and hear the voices." For, gentle- 
men, the little prize winner, only sixteen years of age, represent- 
ed in my eyes a promise of better and brighter days for this land 
that I love, for that little fellow had increased the output of corn 
in his section from sixteen bushels an acre to one hundred and 
fifty-three bushels. On the old basis of sixteen bushels an acre, 
last year, this nation received from the corn alone one hundred 
million dollars more of new wealth or purchasing power than the 
total value of all the real estate assessed for taxation in Phila- 
delphia accumulated in 230 years of thrifty living. Think what 
will happen when this young farmer has communicated his skill 
to his elders. Why, gentlemen, we will receive in the near future 
more new wealth from one corn crop than the total capitalization, 
bonds and stocks, of all the railroads in the United States. And 
this is only one of our many crops. 

In looking at the present too intently, in scanning the future 
too anxiously, we forget the mighty things recorded in our past 
history. I crossed the continent in 1869, traveling then four days 
over what every geography in the world called The Great Amer- 
ican Desert. To-day, in the heart of that desert, we are raising 
four crops a year — thanks to the new light of science. Returning 
from that trip I was told by a man in Ohio that they were cut- 
ting the woods so rapidly that the State of Ohio would not have 
enough wood to heat the houses ten years hence. Only a few 
years later, under this very man's farm, was discovered a deposit 
of gas with sufficient heating power tO' warm Ohio for a century. 
At this moment three times the pulling power of all the horses in 
the world is running to waste in our rivers — power which will 
be harnessed, while you and I live, for the benefit of commerce 
and the world at large. As I said a moment ago, we do not 
realize what we have done. At the time I made the trip in ques- 
tion, forty-five years ago, we were a people of about thirty-five 
million. Now we number one hundred million. Since that time 
we have taken in over 21,000,000 foreigners, assimilated them 
and made them part of the body politic. Every twenty-four 



270 New Je;rse;y Society oe Pennsylvania. 

hours, in that long range for forty-five years, we have added fif- 
teen hundred acres of cultivated land to the farm lands of our 
Nation. 

Come to this city alone and go back only to the Centennial, 
which seems like yesterday to me. Then our real estate assessed 
for taxation was $550,000,000. To-day it exceeds $1,650,000;- 
000, while under my own eyes the homes in Philadelphia have 
multiplied from 60,000 to 352,000. 

Let us cultivate the habit of speaking in these terms of en- 
couragement, of giving to others the good we find in the record 
of our immediate environment. The effect will be tremendous 
if all join this army of encouragers, or lifters up, of builders. 
We can learn much in this direction from our Western brothers. 
I was in the lobby of the Old Fifth Avenue Hotel, one night, in 
New York City, and noticed a strange man surrounded by a 
crowd in another section of the lobby floor. He was talking 
earnestly but he did not seem to have his crowd with him. A 
sporting instinct led me to join the crowd. The same instinct, a 
little later, led me to take a part in the discussion. The stranger 
was praising his home town of Wichita, Kansas. Desiring to 
help him drive home his argument, I cut in wthe the remark, 
"Yes, Wichita is a remarkable city." Rather fiercely he turned 
to me, exclaiming, "When were you there?" "Three weeks 
ago," I replied. "Three weeks ago," he echoed, "hell ! you ought 
to see it now." 

They tell us — many of our fellow citizens living beyond Penn- 
sylvania's limits — that Philadelphia is asleep. My answer to this 
always is, God help the rest of the world if we ever wake up. 
And then I tell them what we do in our sleep' — tell them, among 
other things, that at every tick of the clock, or every second, 
Philadelphia has ready to sell $100 worth of manufactured goods 
that did not exist the second before — tell them that every sec- 
ond we can make ten pairs of stockings; every two and a half 
seconds a hat, from the raw material to the finished article ; every 
three and a half seconds a pair of lace curtains; every hour a 
trolley car; every two and a half hours the largest locomotive; 
that our trolley cars travel, each day, over 250,000 miles without 



Addrksses, 19 14. 271 

leaving city limits; that over our network of telephone and 
telegraph wires, within city limits, aggregating more than 515,- 
000 miles, eleven messages are fighting for the right of way with 
every tick of the clock or every second; and that every second, 
day or night, there is an average of three hundred people, in the 
middle of some Philadelphia street, open to the chance of acci- 
dent. These are tremendous figures, gentlemen, and they show 
the world that Philadelphia is a factor in present day life which 
must be reckoned with. They indicate, as I read events, that this 
Philadelphia, mighty to-day, will be mightier to-morrow. They 
make possible my hope — yes, I might say my belief — that the 
building of the Panama Canal and the new commercial oppor- 
tunities abroad, a legacy of this terrible war overseas, will return 
to Philadelphia that commercial leadership which she lost with 
the building of the Erie Canal. These evidences of our great- 
ness as a city, moreover, illustrate the splendor of this thing we 
call life, the miracle of it all, and the joy that should come to 
each man when he realizes that he is a living factor in this living 
fact. 

I have peculiar pleasure in speaking to-night to this body of 
men from the great State of New Jersey — a State in which my 
happiest days were passed, for although I was born in the City 
of Philadelphia my father's family, for many generations, have 
been New Jersey folks. Old Elijah Cattell, of Salem, New Jer- 
sey, is mentioned in the proclamation by the British General for 
his pernicious activity against the King. Alexander Cattell took 
part in the Constitutional Convention of 1844. The President 
of Lafayette College, in Pennsylvania, for many years, was his 
brother. Another brother came to Pennsylvania and devoted his 
life to educational work for the colored race as Dean of the Fac- 
ulty of Lincoln University. My understanding of the great State 
and my love for it are natural; and while I resided in London 
for many years I put before the British and Continental leaders, 
time and time again, those wonderful qualities which have made 
New Jersey a power in national affairs, whether viewed from 
commercial or political standpoints. 



2,^2 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

The law-abiding spirit of New Jersey is known all 'round the 
world; the thrift and industry of her people are a truism familiar 
to all. Citizens of New Jersey generally know what they want to 
do, do it, and then start doing something else rather than talking 
about what they have done. Yes, you stand for a mighty power 
in this great Republic — you natives of New Jersey — but it seems 
to me your power would be multiplied if each individual came 
into a new realization of the splendor of this things we call life. 
I grow more fond of life every year I live ; but to get the good 
out of it, the joy of friendship, the stimulus of creative work, we 
must husband our resources, we must cut off the waste of energy 
resulting from hatreds, from the bitter animosities that divide 
classes. These animosities in some cases are carried to an unfor- 
givable length. A few years ago an old Irishman was dying of 
small-pox in our Almshouse, and the doctor said to him, "Pat, 
shall I send for a priest?" "No," he answered promptly, "send 
for a rabbi; I don't want to give the small-pox to a dear old 
priest." Here, you see, animosity was carried even to the edge 
of the other world. , 

No ! let us get rid of the hatreds ; let us, especially in this 
Christmas season, this season of the Christ child and all other 
children, cultivate our own child-heart, travel back to our old 
belief in others, our faith in the future, our fixed idea that some- 
how we would find our way to that pot of gold at the end of the 
rainbow. Even if they are dreams, they are pleasant dreams, 
and they brighten and bless the way of life. Many years ago, in 
Russia, they took me into a splendid cathedral, the show-piece 
of the city, but the feature that remains in my mind to-day most 
distinctly was the original log cabin in which the people had 
first worshipped more than a century before. This old church 
stood right under the great dome of the new cathedral. The 
city had multiplied in population and wealth, had grown from 
small beginnings to a great present-day power, and yet the con- 
gregation still maintained the old child-heart of the church ; and 
each member of the congregation, some time during the year, 
entered that holy of holies and, coming face to face with other 
days and with his other self, renewed strength, renewed faith, 
renewed love of life. 



Addresses, 1914. 273 

So, it seems to me, each one should keep in his heart of hearts 
the old child-heart and, every Christmas, renew acquaintance 
with boyhood days and ways and people, gathering therefrom 
new love of life and new desire to make life lovable for others. 
(Applause.) 

The President : Gentlemen, in the good fellowship of this 
occasion, in the warm encouragement which recognizes every 
man for what he is rather than for what he has ; in the congenial 
atmosphere of this Club, where great minds, true and lifelong 
friends are wont to gather, I wish you unbounded prosperity 
and a happiness that begets a smile which, I hope, will not wear 
off until we meet again, one year from to-night, at the Ninth 
Annual Dinner of our Society. 

In closing I want to thank our guests for their presence here 
and particularly the speakers who have favored us with their 
eloquent and instructive addresses. 

"Oh, Spirit of our early days, 

So pure, so strong, so true, 
Be with us in the narrow ways 

Our faithful fathers knew !" 

Good-night ! 

(The festivities here ended and the company dispersed.) 



18 



ADDRESSES 

The Ninth Annual Banquet of the Society, at the Manufac- 
turers' Club, Philadelphia, on December i8, 191 5, was one of 
the most enjoyable and largely attended of any in its history. 
Every one present seemed to be imbued with the spirit of good 
fellowship and social enjoyment. 

The President of the Society, Mr. Charles E. Hires, presided. 

Contributions to the Society's literature included an address 
upon the Federal Constitution by Honorable Simeon D. Fess, 
M. C, of Ohio ; reminiscences of early Jersey history by Honor- 
able David O. Watkins, of Woodbury, New Jersey, and a tribute 
to the literary characters of New Jersey by Professor Francis H. 
Green, of the State Normal School, West Chester, Pennsylvania. 

President Hires, in greeting the company, said : "Gentle- 
men, fellow members and guests, I greet you and welcome you 
on this occasion, our Ninth Annual Banquet, celebrating the 
One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Anniversary of the ratification 
of the Constitution- of the United States by the State of New 
Jersey. We will now partake of that which caters to our physical 
well-being and, later, of those things that appeal to our men- 
tality. Be seated." 

Later, President Hires called attention to the marriage of 
the President of the United States. He said : "As this is the 
hour in which the wedding of President Wilson takes place in 
Washington, I propose that we drink a toast to the President 
and his bride." 

(The company having risen and honored the toast, he 
added :) "We propose to send the following telegram to Presi- 
dent and Mrs. Wilson : 

"The New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, representing 
the native sons of New Jersey residing in the Keystone 
State, assembled to-night to celebrate the One Hundred and 
Twenty-eighth Anniversary of the ratification of the Con- 

(274) 



Addresses, 191 5. 275 

stitution of the United States by New Jersey, tender to you 
heartiest congratulations and best wishes for your happi- 
ness in years to come." 

(The telegram was sent accordingly.) 

President Hires : It is with sadness that I rise to speak of 
the loss of several of our valued and esteemed members during 
the past year : 

John Atkinson, I. L. Conkling, Malcolm M. Coppuck, Wil- 
liam H. Heisler, William T. Tilden, David S. Crater, Horace 
D. Githens. 

And I feel that it is befitting that we rise and drink a silent 
toast to their memory. 

(The company responded by rising and honoring the senti- 
ment in mournful silence.) 

The following announcements were also made by the Chair : 
I wish to announce the receipt of a letter from the Chancellor 
of New Jersey, Honorable Edwin Robert Walker, who was 
expected to be with us to-night but, owing to illness and the 
strict advice of his physician, is unable to be here. I also have 
regrets from Governor Brumbaugh, who had promised to be 
with us. 

President Hires, in his introductory to the after-dinner ora- 
tory, said : 

Gentlemen, before entering upon the address of the evening 
I desire to give expression to my gratitude for and appreciation 
of the high honor conferred upon me in again being elected as 
your President. I shall do the best I can. It is with some pride, 
in reviewing the past year, that I say we have added some 
twenty-five new members to our roll. The year has been mem- 
orable for several occasions of great interest and pleasure to us, 
among which were pilgrimages to historic spots in New Jersey 
and the erection upon one of these, in the city of Trenton, of a 
tablet commemorating events of national importance in the 
early days. 



276 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

I should be very delinquent not to acknowledge the splendid 
support of our Board of Directors. Nearly every meeting of the 
Board was fully attended, and active and thorough interest 
manifested in all our work. I want to acknowledge the great 
assistance of both our Treasurer and Secretary. In fact, the 
greater part of the success is due to their untiring and inde- 
fatigable efforts. 

The part New Jersey played as one of the original thirteen 
Colonies gave her a prestige in governmental afifairs that has 
been maintained down to the present day. She stands in the 
forefront of the States and wields a powerful influence for good 
and stable government. 

Paramount among the questions of National policy in which 
New Jersey, in common with all the States, is interested at this 
time, is that of preparedness for possible contingencies arising 
from the terrible war abroad. I believe that the best immedi- 
ate and most effective preparedness for the welfare of our Gov- 
ernment at the moment is perhaps not tO' be accomplished by 
the expenditure of vast sums of money in building battleships, 
manufacturing ammunition and erecting fortifications. I believe 
that the first preparedness we should work out is a preparedness 
that will not require these vast sums of money to be raised and 
paid out, but a preparedness that will not only increase our rev- 
enues and lighten taxation, but will protect our industries and 
our people. I mean a preparedness that will protect us when 
peace shall come, to prevent the over-running of our country by 
foreign manufacturers and emigrants. I contend that the revenue 
we would properly derive from the goods coming into this coun- 
try in competition with our manufacturers should not be sacri- 
ficed, but should be made to contribute to the support of our 
Government. 

Let us prepare for peace by at once adjusting our tariff laws. 
Now that Congress has reconvened, I believe measures should 
be taken immediately to make our tariff laws adequate for the 
purpose of protecting our manufacturers and our industries. 
Also I fear that if these tariff laws are not adjusted they will 



Addresses, 191 5. ^.yy 

cause us dire distress and additional burdens, which we will find 
hard to bear when peace shall have been declared. 

Oue of our poets has very aptly expressed our sentiments in 
these words : 

"Europe in flames — our cofifers overflow ; 
Nature in lavish mood adds to the store, 
While from that stricken land almost we hear 
The sullen thunder of the God of war. 

Self-satisfied we daily scan the news 

Of want and frightfulness beyond the seas. 

Of Christian (?) nations locked in bloody might, 

While we pursue the fruitful role of peace. 

"With bursting graneries and quickening trade. 
From foe within and foe without secure. 
Congested ports and busy factories — 
How long shall our prosperity endure? 

"How long shall self sufficiency be meet 

To guard the paths of peace that follow war? 

How long shall a low tariff law suffice 

To drive commercial legions from our shore? 

"Prom that dread foe that waits the call of peace. 
Congress alone can make us all secure, 
Defend our labor and protect our trade — 
How long shall our prosperity endure?" 

We are honored to-night by the presence of one of Ohio's 
favorite sons, a member of Congress; who is also one of the 
leading educators of the United States; who is chief spokesman 
at this time for a National University at Washington; who at 
one time occupied the chair of American History in Ohio 
Northern University; who, after being admitted to the bar, was 
for a time associated with President Harper in his work at the 
University of Chicago; a man whO' has written and spoken 
widely upon educational, political and patriotic topics ; and is now 
President of Antioch College in his native State. I know of no 
one better able to speak on the subject of our history than this 
member of Congress; and I take great pleasure in introducing 
him to you — Dr. Simeon D. Fess, of Ohio. 



278 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Congressman Fess was heartily welcomed and frequently 
applauded. He responded as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, members of the New Jersey Society of Penn- 
sylvania : The invitation extended to me by my good friend and 
colleague, J. Hampton Moore — whom we love, over in Wash- 
ington, to dub "Hampy" ; and who, by the way, is one of the 
clearest headed and ablest men in public life — was accepted with 
a good deal of pleasure because, first, I liked tO' accept an invi- 
tation from him and, secondly, because he told me of the dis- 
tinguished company I was tO' meet, the representatives of one 
of our great States. Therefore on returning home I was de- 
lighted tO' come this way instead of going in the opposite direc- 
tion from the standpoint of Washington. 

I cannot take the latitude to do more than emphasize what 
has been expressed by President Hires, as a keynote, on the 
best sort of preparedness for which our Nation could now pro- 
vide ; and I will only add to his statement, in the language of 
the old deacon, "Them's my sentiments too." As your Presi- 
dent intimated, I have been interested in the pursuit of knowl- 
edge along some lines, especially in history, and as a student 
of the Constitution am somewhat familiar with the position of 
your splendid State in the formative period. I recognize that in 
that great group of Americans who, in this city, gave to the 
world what the eminent English statesman, Mr. Gladstone, in 
1878, in a famous article in The North American Review, 
declared as the most wonderful instrument ever stricken off by 
the brain and purpose of man, New Jersey had an illustrious 
representation. In going over Madison's papers, which contain 
the finest report of the Federal Convention that is now in print 
— a book not in general use but very rare — I found many very 
interesting incidents. One of these that is of peculiar value 
just now was that, after nearly three weeks of a very heated 
discussion as to whether ours should be a government of States 
or a government with the State lines largely eliminated, it was 
a Jerseyman who offered the compromise that established the 
bi-cameral system of two Houses, viz., the Senate and the House 
of Representatives, in order that one, the Senate, should satisfy 



Addresses, 19 15. 279 

one contention, the government of the States, and the other 
should satisfy the other contention, the government of the peo- 
ple. Consequently we have, as the compromise, the Senate and 
the House of Representatives. That was the solution that came 
from the suggestion of a member of the New Jersey delegation. 

From the standpoint of civil government the Federal Consti- 
tution is emphatically the most wonderful instrument of its 
kind in history. There is no doubt of that in my mind. The 
most original mind in the group of intellects that framed it was 
probably that of Alexander Hamilton, who' was then only thirty 
years old; the man who exerted the greatest fashioning influ- 
enct over it, and who was afterwards called "the father of the 
Constitution," was James Madison, of Virginia; and identified 
with those twO' was a famous Pennsylvanian, the oldest mem- 
ber in the convention, who did honor not only to Pennsylvania, 
but to the whole Nation, in the person of Ben Franklin. Another 
Pennsylvanian, James Wilson, was conceded to be the greatest 
jurist of the convention. No- wonder that William Pitt said of 
the men who sat in the Second Continental Congress — largely 
the same who afterwards sat in the Federal Convention — that 
that group of men had never been equaled from the standpoint 
of solidity of reasoning, wisdom of conclusion and force of 
sagacity by any body of men in any land. That was the high 
estimate of a statesman who sat in the Councils of Great Brit- 
ain. If we were to judge the worth of the framers of the Con- 
stitution by what the world knew of them at that time, as Pitt 
expressed it, we might regard his estimate as exaggerated; but 
when you study the work of those men by its results through- 
out a period of one hundred and twenty-eight years you find his 
statement abundantly justified. After a century and a quarter 
of development of national life in America we cannot fail to 
recognize the justice of that tribute to the excellence of the Fed- 
eral Constitution. 

It is an instrument that has but seven articles, contains 
twenty- four sections of eighty- four short paragraphs, and is 
couched in less than four thousand words. It has stood the test 
of time in the development of the most marvelous history the 



28o New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

world has ever seen; and in all these years it has been sub- 
stantially modified but four times. Magna Charta is a very 
elaborate document. Locke, the great philosopher, wrote the 
constitution of one of the Colonies, North Carolina, in one hun- 
dred and twenty articles ; but you do not find in the Constitution 
of our country one hundred and twent)^, but only seven articles. 
When a student in the university I was compelled to commit it 
to memory from the first word to the last, but I did not find it 
an extraordinary task to memorize only four thousand words. 
This instrument may be said to be, in constitutional history, what 
the Ten Commandments are in religious history. 

Why is it that the Federal Constitution has been amended 
so seldom? It is because it did not transcend its legitimate 
function and encroach upon that of the Legislature. The pur- 
pose of a constitution is to sanction and authorize legislation, 
not to legislate; in other words, not to enact laws, but to pre- 
scribe the principles upon which laws may be enacted. In the 
recent Ohio- Constitutional Convention, of which I was Vice- 
President, and which sat for six months, three hundred and 
forty-seven amendments were offered, of which all but forty-one 
were defeated in the convention. And many of those submitted 
to the people should have been rejected. In many mstances the 
distinction between constitutional sanction for doing a thing and 
the actual doing of the thing by legislative enactment was lost 
sight oi. The most important matters of legislation were urged 
to be incorporated in the Constitution. But Constitutions must 
not be placed on the plane of legislation; the former may be 
amended, the latter repealed. 

Amendments have been made to the Federal Constitution. 
There are seventeen of them. But those amendments were not 
modifications of the basic principles which the fathers had for- 
mulated. The first amendments were made through the recom- 
mendations of the States in their ratifications. It was suggested 
by the convention that each State, in its ratification, specify 
such changes as appeared wise. New Jersey, in her ratifica- 
tion, suggested some amendments. Most of the States did like- 
wise. The very first ten amendments were put in as addenda or 



Addresses, 19 15. 281 

as a Bill of Rights, which was not intended to be written into 
the body of the instrument. As you know, one of the biggest 
fights in the early days was over the question whether there 
should be a Bill of Rights incorporated as a part of the Con- 
stitution. Hamilton opposed it, and other members insisted 
that it was essential as a means of protection for the individual 
against encroachments of the Government, Here is the age- 
old struggle between authority in government and liberty of the 
citizen. One school held that a Bill of Rights was necessary as 
a protection of religious freedom', the freedom of speech and of 
the press, of the right to petition the Government, as a guar- 
antee against prosecution without due process of law, and as an 
assurance of the right of trial by jury, of an impartial hearing 
and the summoning of witnesses. The Bill of Rights was con- 
tended for to secure these privileges. Hamilton's contention 
was that the Bill of Rights pre-supposed the existence of a king 
with an authority above the people. He urged that in this 
country the people are the authority and that it would be equiva- 
lent to giving the people rights they already possessed. He pro- 
posed to omit it from the body of the instrument and let the 
States, when they came to ratify the Constitution, recomm.end 
what they would like to have put in as a Bill of Rights, and any 
other alterations or additions in the form of amendments. Sub- 
sequently nearly every State recommended some alterations ; and 
Congress, in its first session, classified these recommendations 
and submitted them to a vote of the people. They were ranged 
under twelve heads. Ten of them passed; only two of them 
failed. Hence, while we have no Constitutional frame of code 
for the security of liberty against the Government, these first ten 
amendments constitute a real Bill of Rights. Therefore, I re- 
peat, it is not correct to say that the Bill of Rights, comprehend- 
ing the first ten amendments, was a modification of the work of 
the fathers. They are rather an expression of their judgment 
that such guarantees should be attached. 

Another modification which should not be regarded as a 
change from the fathers' ideas is the Constitutional right to 
make a State a defendant, in a Federal court, in a suit brought 



282 Ne;w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

by a citizen of a State or any foreign State. John Marshall, a 
keen lawyer, who was afterward the great Chief Justice, denied 
the right. However, Griswold, of Georgia, sued the State of 
Georgia, and the question came up as to whether, under the 
Constitution, he could thus make a State a defendant. The 
closeness of the case and the consequent uncertainty growing 
out of some confusion caused the issue to be submitted to the 
people in 1798, in the form of an amendment. It resulted in 
the passage of the Eleventh Amendment, expressly forbidding 
the suing of a State by a citizen of a State or foreign State. But 
that was not a change of the Constitution from what the fathers 
thought it was. The ablest members contended that it did not 
really change it. 

The amendment numbered in the list the Twelfth, which 
changed the method of electing the President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, was passed in 1804. This was a marked change and the 
first to be made. The Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
Amendments, passed in 1865, 1866 and 1870 respectively, grew 
out of the Civil War and pertained to the color question. The 
Thirteenth gave freedom to the slave, the Fourteenth gave 
citizenship to the freedman, and the Fifteenth was intended to 
give him suffrage. These three ought to be counted as one 
modification of the instrument from the way the fathers wrote 
it. While each referred to a distinct privilege, they all are 
results of war and applied to the same persons. That makes 
but two substantial changes. The other two were real modi- 
fications, which pertain to the election of Senators and the 
Income Tax. 

I repeat, therefore, that here is an instrument that has stood 
the test for over one hundred and twenty-five years and has 
undergone only four substantial changes during that time, a 
period in which we have witnessed the most marvelous develop- 
ment the world has ever known. It was written when our coun- 
try numbered but three million people, and was ratified by the 
people of thirteen States. To-day it covers a population of one 
hundred millions, double that of any other English-speaking 
nation. Instead of thirteen States it covers nearly half a hun- 



Addresses, 19 15. 283 

dred States — every one an empire in itself. It was so written 
that it did not have to be changed to meet the conditions of a 
marvelous evolution of institutions — educational, political, com- 
mercial, as well as religious and social. 

See how it has served in emergencies. In 1803, when France 
and England were at war, Jefferson, who was then President, 
desired to purchase Louisiana; his theory being that, as the 
war would be fought out on the sea, England, as the greater 
sea power, would win and Louisiana, then belonging to the 
French, would be acquired by England; that with the dom- 
inance of that power on our west, and her sea power on our 
east and south, and having Canada to the north of us, there 
would be no territorial expansion of this country, Jefiferson's 
fear of England's ultimate influence on our future impelled him 
to seek ways to secure Louisiana. He had recourse to the 
famous Albert Gallatin to find how Louisiana could be acquired. 
Gallatin's reply was "Buy it." Jefferson said, "We have no 
authority under the Constitution to buy it." Gallatin declared 
that we had necessary authority to do what appeared to us a 
means to carry out well defined ends, as in this case. But Jeffer- 
son, being a believer in a strict construction of the Constitution, 
adhered to his opinion and suggested an amendment to enable 
the purchase to be made. Gallatin said, "That will take two 
years, and the thing will be done before that," referring to the 
loss of Louisiana to England. Then Jefferson said, "Let us 
buy it and submit the matter to the people for their ratifica- 
tion." Gallatin demurred to this, as the people might not favor 
the proposition. The result was that the purchase was made, 
although it was thought they had stretched the Constitution 
"until it almost cracked" — a statement of Jefferson's that has 
become famous. Yet the purchase was made under our Con- 
stitution. You may ask wdiether we had authority to organize 
all of that vast territory under the Constitution. Every Con- 
stitutional lawyer here knows that we had. It is written in the 
Constitution (Section III, Article IV), "Congress shall have 
power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations 
respecting the territory or other property belonging to the 



284 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

United States." Under that sanction we acquired and organized 
Oregon, Texas and Florida, made territorial accessions in Mex- 
ico and later in Alaska, Porto Rico, Cuba, Hawaii and the 
Philippines. All this was done under the Constitution without 
change from the form in which it was placed by the fathers. 
Meanwhile the nation fought a foreign war with the mother 
country, one with Mexico and one with Spain, in addition to the 
most gigantic Civil War known to man. Yet our Constitution 
was adequate for all emergencies. 

Do we have to modify it now ? There is no precedent for the 
conditions that exist today. Our Civil War was a gigantic 
struggle and yet there were never more than two million sol- 
diers, on both sides, in the field at once. In the war now raging 
in Europe we see thirty million soldiers in conflict. In our great 
war the most modern gun was the Springfield rifle. The pres- 
ent war brought into use a gun that fired six hundred times a 
minute and, after sixteen months of invention, a gun has been 
produced that shoots seventeen hundred times a minute. In 
our Civil War the fatalities numbered less than six hundred 
thousand in killed, wounded and missing in four years. Now, 
in seventeen months, a single nation like Russia has lost over 
two and a half million. We remember that the expenditure in 
our Civil War, at one time, reached the enormous sum of three 
mihion dollars a day ; but now, when we turn our eyes to Great 
Britain, we see an expenditure of twenty-five millions a day; 
and she is only one of twelve nations at war. Even in these 
times of unparalleled occurrences, under our Constitution we 
shall be able to meet the needs of the hour, as one of the world's 
great powers, without any change of the organic law. 

To be sure, I do not look upon our Constitution as such a 
perfect instrument that it ought not to be modified; I have no 
such idea; but I am simply suggesting considerations why we 
should give due credit to its framers for having penned an 
instrument that has stood the test of all these years. As a 
member of the convention, in the State of Ohio, that framed one 
of the most progressive of the Constitutions of any of the States, 
I make the plea to this citizenship not to look upon the funda- 



Addresses, 19 15. 285 

mental law of our land as Incapable of improvement ; but I also 
appeal to you not to allow any doctrinaire to cause you to think 
that the instrument has no meaning to-day. A most startling 
statement was that which I heard, as a member of the conven- 
tion at Columbus, when ex-President Roosevelt made his pro- 
nouncement that he believed in the recall of judicial decisions. 
I was and am yet a great admirer of the marked ability of 
Colonel Roosevelt — I am not so sure that he is not one of the 
most powerful personalities in the world to-day — and yet, when 
speaking to a body of Jerseymen who are commemorating an 
event of so great significance as the ratification of the Federal 
Constitution at a time when nine States were necessary to put 
it in operation and their State was the third to ratify it, I am 
bewildered by what I regard as fatal in the pronouncement of 
the ex-President. I speak very frankly and with the greatest 
respect for the views of others in saying that you cannot safely 
regard the organic law as a thing to be determined by popular 
vote in the heat of a political campaign. The only way we can 
be assured of respect for law is to treat the law as a finality 
until it is settled. This settlement must not be by clamor, but 
in the poise of the judicial mind. The function of the judiciary 
is to settle laws in dispute with the Constitution as the authority 
for the making of the law, not to settle them in one way at one 
time and in another way at another time, to be determined by 
the latest wind to blow, but in the light of final authority. I 
say that with due respect for the opinion of every man who 
differs from me. I speak of the value of the organic instru- 
ment and I say that no greater encomium was ever pronounced 
upon a document than that to which Mr. Gladstone gave utter- 
ance when he said the American Constitution was the most won- 
derful instrument ever stricken off by the brain or purpose of 
man. I regard it as an honor to address any group of men 
who are meeting in commemoration of any part of the proceed- 
ing that made that instrument the fundamental law of our coun- 
try. Especially is this true when I realize that I am speaking in 
this historic city in which the birth of the nation took place, 
where this document was made and where, in the great heat of 



286 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

contest between adverse schools of political thought, it found its 
staunchest friends in the States of Delaware, Pennsylvania and 
New Jersey ; which furnished seventeen out of the thirty-nine 
who signed it finally, and which were the first to ratify it.; all 
having done so before the end of the year 1787. (Long con- 
tinued applause.) 

The President : We have with us to-night a fellow member 
who has been an honor to his State, an ex-Speaker of the House 
of Assembly of New Jersey, an ex-State Bank Commissioner, 
and a well-known attorney — Honorable David O. Watkins, of 
Woodbury, New Jersey — whom I have the honor of presenting 
to you and who will now address you. 

Mr. Watkins's interesting discourse, particularly its historical 
feature, was hailed with delight. He spoke, amid rounds of ap- 
plause, as follows : 

Those of you who were so fortunate as to attend the dinner 
last year, will no doubt remember the story of the execution of 
Captain Huddy; and you will recall that, at the close of the 
obsequies, when the Captain was finally disposed of, Congress- 
man Moore arose and made the suggestion that it would be a 
good thing, at each of these banquets, to have some historical 
reminiscences of our State. I agree with him. It is a good thing 
and a wise thing. It will carry our minds back — we who are 
enjoying all the blessings that we enjoy to-day — carry them back 
to our ancestors and the forefathers who settled New Jersey and 
who blessed the generations that were to follow them. 

I learned yesterday that I was to start the historical discus- 
sion of to-night. I will, therefore, devote what little time I have to 
the local history surrounding Philadelphia and this part of South 
Jersey. And, after all, it is always a pleasant thing to speak of 
home and to think of home, wherever we may be and under 
whatever circumstances we may find ourselves. For us, native- 
born Jerseymen, and those whose ancestors were bom in New 
Jersey — all gathered here to-night — I think it is a wise and good 
thing, at these banquets, to let our minds go back to Home, Sweet 



Addresses, 19 15. 287 

Home. The good old State of New Jersey is our "Home, Sweet 
Home." 

Home, that little word of four letters, is the sweetest word 
in the English language. No word trips as lovingly, as linger- 
ingly and as longingly under our tongues as "home." To my 
mind it embraces everything — father, mother, wife, children, our 
sweetest memories, our fondest recollections of the past and our 
dearest hopes of the future. The word "home," to my mind, too, 
has a broad significance. It means not only the habitation in 
which we may dwell, but the State in which we may live and the 
country as well. So that to-night — though we are all from Jer- 
sey or have ancestors among Jerseymen — wherever we may be, 
in any sister State in this country, we are at home. When the 
American traveler on distant shores, after having surfeited his 
mind and his eyes with the arts of Italy, the scenery of Sw^itzer- 
land, the castles of England and all that the Old World has to 
offer, stands looking out upon the sea for the ship that is to 
carry him h(.:»me, how his heart throbs, how he thrills with delight 
when he sees the flag of his country at the ship's mast. But this, 
I am sorry to say, is now rather a figure of speech than a matter 
of fact. I am not a member of Congress, I hold no political 
office, nor do I desire any, but in these days, when we hear so 
much talk about preparedness for war, it seems to me that Con- 
gress could do much for their country if they would devote some 
time to an investigation of why the American flag has been swept 
from the seas of commerce. There was a time in the history of 
our country when the American seaman was without an equal 
and was seen everywhere, when a ship flying the American flag 
was found in every civilized port where a ship could enter; but, 
either from tom-fool legislation or at least from the lack of 
proper legislation, that flag which was once familiar on the ocean 
has been swept wholly from the commercial highway of the sea. 
A nation prepared for peace is, to a great extent, prepared for 
war ; but the nation that devotes all of its energies, its brains and 
its money, in preparation for war will meet the same fate that 
befell the Roman Republic and will founder upon the same rock 
of disaster. The great wars to be fought in the future, accord- 



288 Ni:w Jerse;y Society of Pennsylvania. 

ing to my lay mind at least, will not be wars of conquest and de- 
struction, but wars of commerce and manufactures ; and it would 
be wise for the Cong-ress of the United States to consider the 
problem and adapt itself to meet these issues. (Applause.) 

But I was to talk of local history. New Jersey has a local 
history to be proud of. As a boy I remember how our Phila- 
delphia and New York cousins would sneeringly refer to us as 
"Jersey Spaniards" and "Jersey Sand Snipes," and twit us with 
the claim that we were not a part of the United States. We 
could take all in good humor until the latter part of the argu- 
mnt was fired at us, and this would always put us in a belliger- 
ent attitude. It is quite easy to understand why we were called 
"Sand Snipes ;" but I did not ascertain for a long while nor until 
after repeated investigation why we were termed "Jersey Span- 
iards." I came to the conclusion that this title was given us 
from the fact that in 1815, after the Battle of Waterloo had 
occurred and the second abdication of the great Napoleon had 
resulted in the exile of the members of his family, Joseph Bona- 
parte, then King of Spain, hurriedly left his dominions, came to 
America and purchased a large estate at Bordentown, New Jer- 
sey, where he resided for some time. Because of the residence 
among us of this ex-King we have the derivative "Jersey Span- 
iards." 

Philadelphia lays great claim to ancient lineage; you very 
seldom hear any reference here to^ New Jersey in that particular ; 
yet Philadelphia was unthought of when New Jersey was settled. 
The first settlement in New Jersey was the Dutch trading post 
at Bergen, near New York, in 161 7 — where probably originated 
the expression, "You can't beat the Dutch." That was three years 
— mind you — ^before the Puritan Fathers landed from the May- 
flower, on Plymouth Rock. It was at least twenty-six years be- 
fore the first Pennsylvania settlement. The site of the first settle- 
ment in Pennsylvania was down near where the progressive City 
of Chester is now; and that was not until 1643. In the mean- 
time this part of Jersey which is directly opposite to your city 
was reached by Captain May, who ascended the Delaware and, in 
1623, or twenty years prior to the first settlement in Pennsylvania, 



Addresses, 191 5. 289 

erected a fort at a point half way between what is now Camden 
and my home City of Woodbury, or the mouth of Woodbury 
Creek, New York, known then as "The New Netherlands," 
having the same idea of governing others that she has to-day, 
claimed then, as she does now, not only everything that she could 
put her hands upon, but everything she could see. New York, 
which was settled about three years before New Jersey, claimed 
that New Jersey should be part of The New Netherlands and be 
governed by New York; and she was angered by the grant of 
New Jersey, by the Crown, to Lord Berkley and Sir George Car- 
teret. The consequence was that suits over titles to lands and 
legal affairs became so annoying that Carteret and Berkley found 
they could not manage things very well and they sold East Jersey 
to a syndicate of Quakers, headed by William Penn, in 1682. 
"Syndicate" is the historic name for it. Even the Quakers, in 
those days, evidently believed in syndicates and corporations. 
For West Jersey, the grant to Berkley, was sold, still earlier, to 
two Quakers, who made their headquarters at the ancient City 
of Burlington, famous for years as the home of the Gaskills ; with 
Salem on the south. Both of these cities are much older than 
Philadelphia and older than other towns in South Jersey. But 
the Quakers even of those days had the fighting blood in them; 
they could not get along together ; the consequence was they had 
troubles over their titles to lands and their other affairs; and 
the jurisdiction over the Jerseys passed back to the English 
Crown, under Queen Anne, in 1702. In the meantime New Jer- 
sey and New York were governed by the same Governor, although 
they had different legislatures. Those legislatures and Governors, 
appointed by the Crown in England, were continually fighting 
each other; and this continued until 1738, when a separate Gov- 
ernor was appointed for New Jersey, and it became fully a dis- 
tinct colony. This same arrangement continued down until the 
Revolution. Philadelphia was not settled until a year after my 
home town of Woodbury was founded, which was in 1681. All 
the settlements that existed along the coast of South Jersey ante- 
date that of Philadelphia. Woodbury, for instance, came into 
existence fifty years before your State House was built. 

19 



290 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania, 

That section of New Jersey designated as Gloucester County, 
and of which Woodbury is the county seat, has reflected great 
credit upon this City of Philadelphia and, in fact, by its pro- 
duction of able men, has enabled the City of Philadelphia to be 
placed prominently upon the map of the United States. We 
have, as a member of the Society, and now sitting here at my 
left, a resident of Philadelphia, of whom its citizens should be 
proud, who was born in the City of Woodbury and resided there 
for a number of years in his early life ; and we follow his career 
in city and in national affairs with a great deal of pride. I refer 
to Honorable J. Hampton Moore. Another distinguished citizen 
of New Jersey, whose early life was spent in the same city, 
who has ably filled the office of Governor of New Jersey and 
other high positions conferred upon him by a grateful people, 
and whom the people of New Jersey are determined to yet see 
in a national position of prominence, where his great ability can 
be used in full for the benefit of his State and of the country as 
well, is also with us tonight. I refer to our friend, ex-Governor 
Stokes. 

The attractions of a growing and larger settlement soon drew 
to Philadelphia the young people of the Jersey settlements, and 
the necessity for some regular means of transportation between 
the localities became apparent. In 1688 a Jersey court granted 
the first license for a ferry to run between Gloucester and Phila- 
delphia. It specified the rates of ferriage for horse, mules and 
persons on horseback, but did not include carriages, as it was 
not deemed necessary to make special provision for vehicles in 
a country where the few roads were encumbered by trees and 
other impediments, where the bridges were only strong enough 
for the weight of pedestrians or horses — and very few bridges at 
that, as most of the streams were forded; the early settlers often 
having to ford the streams where a bridge was not accessible. 
The first ferry was not a success, and in 1821 the Freeholders of 
the town of Gloucester succeeded in establishing a ferry from 
that town to this city. Those early settlers, while of course very 
poor in worldly goods, were rich in hopes and independence. A 
cow and side saddle were the marriage portion of the daughters 



Addresses, 19 15. 291 

of the wealthiest land owners. There was not much inducement, 
in those days, for an Italian Count, an English Baron or a French 
Marquis to visit the Colonies in hope of trading their ancient 
reputations for the savings of an American colonist. 

In the earlier days the courts were empowered not only to 
grant licenses for inns and taverns, but to fix the rates for en- 
tertainment. In 1742, in granting a tavern license in what is 
now Woodbury, the court specified the charge for every drink 
of rum, brandy or wine. One of the peculiar provisions was a 
specific rate "for every hot supper for each person, including a 
pint of strong beer or cider, one shilling." In the rate for "a 
company of men" (they did not use the word "banquet"), they 
allowed a quart of strong beer or cider for each, for which the 
charge was the same, one shilling. Think of that to-day, when 
we are talking of the high cost of living. In those days the judges 
were entertained at these old tavern houses and stopped there 
over night when traveling from court to court; hence they were 
wise in making what they regarded as a liberal allowance in the 
rates. 

Now, we have heard a good deal from the West about the 
"new fangled idea," as it is termed, of woman suffrage, as if 
this was something new. You in Philadelphia have recently 
undergone a struggle on that question, as we have in New Jer- 
sey ; and in your State, outside of Philadelphia, the women came 
near beating you. The question is an old one in New Jersey. 
Under her first Constitution the only qualification for voters in 
the colony was that they should be possessed of property of the 
value of fifty pounds. There was not any question as to the 
right of women to vote in Jersey; and they did vote and con- 
tinued voting down to the adoption of the Constitution of 1844. 
In 1800 the women of our State, who have always believed in 
their God, their Bible and their home, solemnly cast their votes 
against Thomas Jefferson (of whom it was said that he was 
tinged with atheism) and in favor of John Adams; and that 
election was so close that it was decided on the floor of Con- 
gress. Then trouble began for the women, as normally the 
State should have given its vote to Jefferson, according to the 



292 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Democratic principles then predominant in New Jersey. The 
next time the women had trouble with the men was over the 
erection of a new court house in Newark, in 1827, when the 
women turned out and beat the men in the scheme of the polit- 
ical leaders of that day to change its location. But despite 
repeated attempts by legislative enactment to deprive them of it, 
the women had the right to vote down to the adoption of the 
Constitution of 1844, which limited the right of suffrage to 
male voters of the State. 

The eloquent address upon the Federal Constitution which 
we heard here to-night recalled to my mind an incident of early 
Jersey history. Prior to the adoption of the Federal Constitu- 
tion residents of that part of Jersey ranging between Pensauken 
Creek on the north and Oldmans Creek on the south, then desig- 
nated as "the third and fourth tenths," met and adopted a Con- 
stitution of their own. That was in 1686. It was a Constitu- 
tion of ten short paragraphs, in which they provided for their 
own courts, for means of punishing evil doers and for other 
essentials of self-government. They lived there practically as 
an independent community. That was ninety years before the 
first shot was fired at Bunker Hill, Concord or Lexington. They 
were never disturbed in their independence. Gordon, the his- 
torian, says that these people formed a democratic common- 
wealth of independence, legislated for themselves and had all 
the powers of a free government. I know of no other State nor 
of any other county in New Jersey where the spirit of independ- 
ence was exhibited earlier than in the county of Gloucester, 
directly opposite to your city. The independence displayed by 
these settlers in the formation of this independent union in 1686 
was the seed of the flower of human liberty and independence 
which blossomed in full beauty as a result of the War of the 
Revolution. 

The first example of coastwise trading may be mentioned 
as occurring in the same locality. It is one of the sources of 
pride of the Jerseyman that the history of his State shows that 
every foot of its land was obtained peaceably and without 
trouble from its Indian owners. There are no massacres of 
record by which the Indians, through injustice of the white man. 



Addresses, 19 15. 293 

were driven to extermination, and the only sporadic cases of 
Indian cruelty were those engendered by the British Army and 
the Tory residents during the Revolution. This first incident 
of commerce, of which I speak, occurred at the mouth of Wood- 
bury Creek, where it empties into the Delaware River. The 
original settlers of Gloucester County settled at this point. Their 
graves are now marked by the Gloucester County Historical 
Society with a proper monument and are fenced in by a strong 
iron fence. It was a necessity, every fall, for the men folk of the 
settlement, as well as of the settlements along the Delaware 
River, to go to Burlington, which was then a town of consider- 
able importance in a trading way and much more important 
than Philadelphia and places between ; Camden being then un- 
known. The settlers would go to Burlington for the purpose of 
purchasing their winter supplies, clothing and necessaries. 
During one of these trips, when all the men folk were away, a 
terrible storm arose, delaying their return, and the supplies of 
provisions which had been left for the women and children 
became exhausted. The women, with fear of starvation before 
them, standing upon the shore of the river, while straining their 
eyes in looking for the absent ones, saw, on the other side of the 
creek, an Indian woman who had emerged from the forest where 
now is situate National Park (where the Battle of Fort Mercer 
occurred during the Revolution, and which battlefield is now 
marked by a handsome monument commemorating the event), 
and, upon their making known to this Indian woman, by signs, 
their need of food, she disappeared into the forest and shortly 
returned with other women carrying maize and Indian food, 
which was placed upon bark torn from the trees of the forest. 
Watching a favorable opportunity in the currents and tides of 
the creek, the Indian women cast their ships of mercy adrift, and 
these were swirled across to the opposite side and received with 
thankful hearts by the white women. 

Now, sons of New Jersey, I have endeavored as briefly as 
possible, without tiring you, to give you a sketch of some little 
events in early Jersey history, the history of that colony which 
offered nearly all of the male population within its borders, then 
over ten thousand seven hundred, to the army of patriots and 



294 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

over five million dollars in money. upon the altar of this new 
country, in the War for Independence. 

I have no doubt that, in preparedness for war, the sons of 
New Jersey would be found worthy of their sires. I believe that 
the love of home is as dear to them as it was to the poet when 
he sang that song which has girdled the world and which is as 
true to-day as ever. Home may be a mansion on the hillsides 
of Warren or Morris or Sussex or it may be a hovel on the 
sands of Cape May or on the. banks of the Delaware; the bleak 
winds of winter may penetrate it, the rains of summer descend 
through it, and a bit of leather serve as the latch-key by day 
and by night ; but it is home — home where children are reared 
in virtue and duty; where they are taught love for their State, 
for their God and for their country — home which teaches us, in 
New Jersey, righteousness and patriotism and which points out 
to us the path of progress for our State to follow. (Long con- 
tinued applause.) 

The President : When the Creator had made all the good 
things there was still some dirty work to do; so He made the 
beasts, the reptiles and the poisonous insects. When He had 
finished, He had some scraps that were too bad to put into the 
rattlesnake, the hyena, the scorpion or the skunk ; so He put all 
these together, covered it with suspicion, wrapped it with 
jealousy, marked it with a yellow streak and called it "a 
knocker," "a kicker." The difference between "a knocker" and 
a booster, between the pessimist and the optimist, is so empha- 
sized that I am reminded again of how much we owe to the 
cheery man whose face is always turned to the sunlight, who 
sees only the bright and best things of life. This contrast is 
made more pronounced in the verses: 

"Oh, cramped and narrow is the man who lives only for self 

And pawns his years away for gold, 

Nor knows the joy a good deed gives 

But feels his heart shrink slowly day by day; 

His band of fate outrun, 

No high aim sought, 

No worthy action done. 



Addresses, 191 5. 295 

"But brimmed with moulten brightness, 
Like the star, the generous heart, 
Its kind deeds shine afar 

And glow in gold in God's great book on high. 
And he who does what good he can each day- 
Makes smooth and green 
And strews with flowers his way." 

We are happy in having with us to-night a man of the latter 
type, a man who has made joyous and happy, as he has gone up 
and down the waysides of every-day life, thousands of people by 
his cheery voice and beautiful word-picturing of those instances 
in life that go to bring laughter and joy, that contribute so much 
in strewing the pathway of life with flowers. I take great 
pleasure in introducing our friend and honored guest, Professor 
Francis H. Green, of West Chester. 

Dr. Green's forceful and humorous presentation of his topic. 
"Suggestions From Literary Characters Connected with New 
Jersey," was interspersed with outbursts of applause and merri- 
ment. He said : 

If I rightly understand the program there is nobody to fol- 
low me ; and the fact recalls tO' my mind an incident at a dinner 
of the East Orange Republican Club on a Lincoln Birthday. 
While the Governor was making a lengthy address Dr. Crow, a 
Universalist preacher, remarked to Dr. Allen and me, as we sat 
side by side at the dinner table, "Boys, I have a long speech, I 
would like to have time to get it off." Allen replied, "That's all 
right, Crow, take your time." And well he might because he 
came on before Crow did. But I was to come after. Then I 
said, "That will be all right, Dr. Crow; my talk is India rubber; 
I can pull it out or press it in as the occasion demands." When 
he began tO' speak, after midnight, he said, "I suppose I ought to 
apologize for beginning so late, especially since I need to re- 
member that there is one poor devil to follow me." That created 
a titter in the banquet room, but gave me a good chance to strike 
out in a retort, for when I was introduced I said, "I needn't 
apologize for beginning so late, it is a condition thrust upon us 



296 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

by the previous speaker ; but I should like to say, in passing, that 
it rather interests me to hear a Universalist preacher admit that 
the devil is after him." 

"Where's a boy agoing 
And what is he going to do 
And how is he going to do it 
When the world busts through?" 

I feel like modifying these v^ords of Foss to say : Where is a 
fellow going and what is he going to do and how is he going to 
do it when the other chaps are through? It seems foolish to 
attempt to add words to what has already been said, but I am 
here to speak my message ; and if I happen to be the undertaker 
of the subject I undertake you will be present at the funeral ex- 
ercises. On all such occasions it is desirable to say something of 
some fitness. I shouldn't want my topic to have the inappropri- 
ateness of the heading of a newspaper report of the death of a 
very respectable man who had been a fireman, which was "Gone 
to his last iire," An amusing incident is told of an old veteran 
who attended a soldiers' banquet. Everybody supposed the men 
would give reminiscences of their war life ; but, instead of doing 
this, they cited their various weaknesses, one speaking of his 
diseased kidneys, another of his weak heart and another of the 
unfortunate condition of his stomach. Afterwards some one said 
to the old man, "I suppose you had a fine time at the dinner." 
"Dinner?" said the old fellow; "why, it was no dinner, it was an 
organ recital." I trust my remarks will be more in keeping with 
this occasion, though I have been too busy to shape anything 
entirely worthy of it. I have been somewhat like the Egyptian 
mummy — pressed for time — ^but I think you will find that I land 
somewhere in the consideration of my theme. It is related of a 
son of Ireland that his curiosity was aroused when he visited a 
railway station in one corner of which was a box containing 
some live animal. Pat gazed at the box and tried to discover its 
contents, but being tmable so to do, finally jerked off a slat, when 
out jumped a rabbit. The little animal made its way across the 
station, out of the door and up the roadway. Pat pursued it. 
It ran through a fence and disappeared over the brow of a hill. 



Addresses, 19 15. 297 

Pat dashed up the hill, and looking after it, made use of the little 
breath he had left in exclaiming, "Go it, you little devil ; you don't 
know where you're going any way, for the tag is back there on 
the box." 

While I deal with literary characters, I do not mean to give 
any rounded discussion of the whole field of literature or attempt 
to settle the matter as to whether literature is the thought of 
thinking souls, the immortality of speech, sincere and genuine 
emotion adequately expressed, the soul history of humanity, or 
the autobiography of the human race. Nor do I mean to bring 
before you the nine great ages in the literature of the world. I 
might pause long enough to say that, while I speak of New Jersey 
authors, we may remember, as we sit here on Pennsylvania soil, 
that Pennsylvania has many things to be proud of; that she is 
not only "a place of mines," as some one has called her, but a 
place of minds as well. She was the pioneer in six different lines 
of authorship. The first American dramatist of any note was a 
Pennsylvanian — Thomas Godfrey. The first American novelist 
of any note was a Pennsylvanian — Charles Brockden Brown. 
The first American linguist was a Pennsylvanian — Lindley Mur- 
ray. The first American historian of any note was a Pennsyl- 
vanian — David Ramsay. The first American translator of a 
classic was a Pennsylvanian — James Logan. The first American 
editor of a magazine was a Pennsylvanian — Joseph Dennie. And 
let us keep in mind that to love our own State, it is not necessary 
to damn any other State. 

While New Jersey is a place of sand, the sea, the singing 
mosquito and distinguished sons, she is a place likewise of stir- 
ring songs as shown by Walt Whitman, solemn sentences as pro- 
nounced by John Woolman, patriotic sentiments as expressed by 
Joseph Hopkinson and rollicking laughter as exhibited in Frank 
Stockton. To deal with these authors is to wander into a big 
field. A man once said to me, in London, "Where do you live?" 
I answered, "Across the water — in the States." "In what par- 
ticular one?" he asked. "Pennsylvania." "Oh," said he, "I have 
a brother living close to you." "Where?" I inquired. "In Denver, 
Colorado," he replied. "Yes," I said, "We talk over the back 



298 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

fence every morning." Little do' some of the good Englishmen 
comprehend the immensity of our Republic. Perhaps I show 
some of the same stupidity in dealing with these authors. Walt 
Whitman — a great difference of opinion exists concerning him; 
some people, especially some English people, considering him our 
greatest American poet; others regarding him as no poet at all. 
I shall not discuss his merits or demerits, but simply say he is a 
strange intermingling of good and bad. No tribute to Lincoln 
surpasses Whitman's "Captain — oh, my Captain." Let me re- 
mind you of one expression from Whitman : "Charity and per- 
sonal force are the only investments worth anything." Therein is 
revealed Whitman's spirit, which entitles him to be called "The 
poet of democracy." To every individual and State this spirit 
should be peculiar. It is high time, in these twentieth century 
days, that caste should be done away with, that men everywhere 
should feel themselves children of one common Father and there- 
fore brothers together. I remember that, when a man told me 
he had royal blood in his veins and I asked how was that, he 
said, "Why, I was stung by a queen bee." The day for snobbish- 
ness should be done away with. The only disgrace attaching to 
honest work of any kind is the disgrace of doing it badly. All 
toil is holy if the toiler be holy. "Blessed are the horny hands 
of toil." Remember Burns in his song, "A man's a man for a' 
that." Let us aim to manifest charity toward all human beings — 
the quality that beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all 
things. Life is too short for crankiness and crustiness in our 
attitude toward our fellow men. "No man liveth to himself 
alone." Along with charity there must be, as suggested in Whit- 
man's lines, personal force. Earnest activity marks the being 
that is worth while. People that count must do things and do 
them with vim and energy. "The busy world shoves angrily 
aside the man who stands with arms akimbo set and waits oc- 
casion to tell him what to do." There is a good suggestion in 
the mistaken idea of the little boy who had the unfortunate 
fashion of dropping the final consonants from his words. He 
persisted in saying "Good mornin" and "Good evenin." He did 
this sort of thing not only in spoken but in written form. His 



Addresses, 19 15. 299 

teacher, finding- on his tablet the words "I'm workin' hard," said 
to him "Put the g in there." Then he wrote, "Gee, I'm workin 
hard." The suggestion of his sentence is true of the individual 
that does things. 

While Whitman represents a democracy for the individual 
and State and Nation ; Woolman, the Quaker, represents the re- 
ligious spirit. Said Charles L-amb, "Get the writings of John 
Woolman by heart." Those conversant with the career of Wool- 
man know that, after a serious spell of illness, he records, "I am 
crucified with Christ, nevertheless I live; not I but Christ that 
liveth in me." This quotation of his from the Bible gives clear 
evidence of his fine Christian character. He brings to our thought 
the necessity of religious development as well as right social re- 
lationship. Emerson is right when he says, "Character is higher 
than intellect." Humanity is intended to live in the element of 
goodness, as the bird lives in the air and the fish in the sea. We 
are keyed to the touch of the divine, as the Eolian harp is keyed 
to the sweep of the night wind. It is well to bear in mind Scott's 
dying words, "Be virtuous, be religious, be a good man ; nothing 
else will give you comfort when you come to lie here." Perhaps 
some of us in this presence to-night need to make the prayer 
that the little boy made: "Oh, Lord, make me good; and if at 
first you don't succeed try, try again." A few years ago there 
was popular the song, "It's the old time religion." One stanza, 
you may recall, ran: "It's good enough for mother, it's good 
enough for mother, it's good enough for mother, and it's good 
enough for me." The next stanza was, "It's good enough for 
father, it's good enough for father, it's good enough for father, 
and it's good enough for me." The third stanza ran : "It was 
good for Paul and Silas, it was good for Paul and Silas, it was 
good for Paul and Silas, and it's good enough for me." A little 
Miss, who had the mother and father portions all right, was at- 
tempting to sing the third stanza, one morning, when her mother 
heard her saying, "It was good for appendi-citis, it was good for 
appendi-citis, it was good for appendi-citis, and it's good enough 
for me." 



300 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Religiousness of nature and nobility of character are abso- 
lutely essential in State and Nation. 

Joseph Hopkinson, with his "Hail Columbia," emphasizes the 
necessity of patriotism ; Whitman urges love for man, Woolman 
love for God, Hopkinson love for country. Adam Bede, the 
Congressman, rightly declares, "A man ought to be proud of his 
native country, whether he was born in it or not." Familiar to 
all of us is the expression of Scott : 

"Breathes there a man with soul so dead 
Who never to himself has said 
This is my own, my native land; 
Whose heart has ne'er within him burned 
As homeward his footsteps he hath turned 
From wandering on a foreign strand? 
If such there be, go mark him well." 

Frank R Stockton — for a time a citizen of New Jersey — 
typifies the glad element that ought to be in every individual 
and State and Nation, His breezy laughter is a blessing; his 
fancies are fascinating; he is full of irresistible humor; he con- 
ducts his readers through the most absurd situations and the 
most unheard of regions with absolute gravity. Any one know- 
ing "Rudder Grange" or "The Lady or the Tiger" or "Negative 
Gravity" knows how full Stockton is of touches of poetic beauty, 
breaths of true sentiment and gleams of glorious mirth. His 
humor should be ours. It becomes us to cultivate and enjoy fun. 
Humor has been of priceless worth to the world. It has scat- 
tered sadness and established gladness. There may come into 
human life a Garden of Gethsemane but — thank God — there is 
an angel in every Garden of Gethsemane. Remember the order 
of creation : the evening and the morning — not the morning and 
the evening — the glory of the dawn follows the blackness of 
the night. Tom Hood's cheery spirit led him to say that while 
his heart was hung lower than other people's he had to laugh 
to keep it up. We should assume the optimistic attitude of the 
little boy who, when he struck his crazy bone, said "That's a 
funny one." Some one provides us with the clever thought: 
"Keep up your courage; the Lord reigns and the Devil doesn't 



Addressees, 19 15. 301 

have all the umbrellas." A mouse in a wine celler, where one of 
the casks had been leaking a little, sipped some of the liquid from 
the floor and smacked its chops. Then it made a return visit, 
soaked its whiskers and retired to a comfortable position, where 
it continued smacking its lips. After taking another drink and 
becoming fired with the spirit of the wine, it jumped on a chair 
and defiantly cried, '"Now come on, you old cat." 

Perhaps at this hour I might profitably recall Whitman's re- 
mark, "Great is wealth, great is poverty, great is expression, 
great is silence." It is possibly time for the silence. Let me, as 
I conclude, remind you that, while I cannot portray for you the 
glories of a Plato's Republic, a Harrington's Oceana, a Bacon's 
New Atlantis, a More's Utopia or a Bellamy's Looking Back- 
ward, I see splendid things in the future for the State of New 
Jersey, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania or any section of 
our country or the world when the qualities illustrated in these 
four men of whom I speak become everywhere extant; when in 
the individual and the nation there is the democratic spirit of 
Whitman with his charity and personal force; the religious de- 
votion of John Woolman, the Quaker; the patriotic enthusiasm 
of Joseph Plopkinson, and the admirable joyousness of Stock- 
ton. As I say "Good night" allow me to press home this thought: 

"So should we live that every hour 
May die as dies the natural flower, 
A self reviving thing of power; 
That every word and every deed 
May hold within itself the seed 
Of future good and future meed." 

(Long continued applause.) 

The President : The hour is now getting late. In bringing 
our banquet to a close, now, at this Christmas season, when 
good will abounds, when the desire to be helpful prevails, when 
gratitude is deep and sincere when forebearance seems easy, I 
venture to express the wish that this Christmas spirit may con- 
tinue with you and us throughout the coming year and surround 



302 Ne:w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

you with prosperity and happiness until we meet again, one year 
from to-night. Good night! 



(The following letter has been received by the President of 

the Society.) 

The White House. 

Washington, December 21, 1915. 
My Dear Mr Hires: 

The President has asked me to convey to you and to the New Jersey 
Society of Pennsylvania an assurance that he and Mrs Wilson deeply ap- 
preciate and thank you for the generous message which you sent them on 
the occasion of their marriage. 



Mr. Charles E Hires, President, 
New Jersey Society, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 



Sincerely yours, 

J. V. Tumulty, 
Secretary to the President. 




IBiSii 



PHILADELPHIA IN I72O 



SPEECHES 

AT 

UNVEILING OF MEMORIAL TABLET 



PRESENTED BY THE NEW JERSEY SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, AT THE MECHANICS 
NATIONAL BANK BUILDING, TRENTON, N. J., DECEMBER II, 1915 



Mr. Hires : Gentlemen and citizens of Trenton, friends and 
fellow members of the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, we 
are met here today to declare our allegiance to our native State, 
and to perpetuate the articles of our Association, which are to 
promote social intercourse among the sons of New Jersey, either 
by birth or ancestry; to tender hospitality and manifest friend- 
ship for the natives of this State temporarily visiting the City 
of Philadelphia ; to foster a spirit of general interest and friendly 
intercourse among those of New Jersey ancestry; to develop 
and perpetuate the spirit of patriotic pride in our native State, 
which the prominence of New Jersey in the history of our 
Nation and her conspicuous position as one of the Thirteen 
Original Colonies always inspires. 

The spot where the speaker stands is the site of the Seventh 
National Capitol of the United States. 

On the corner opposite, now occupied by the Masonic 
Temple, was a tavern where the Hessian Commander, Rail, 
had his Christmas night orgy and slept to be awakened early 
in the morning and surprised by Washington's troops. 

Up Warren Street, and within sight, is the Battle Monu- 
ment, the site of Alexander Hamilton's battery that did effective 
work in winning the victory on that memorable twenty-sixth of 
December. 

Within two blocks on State Street is the site of the surrender 
of a large body of Hessians. 

Ten miles up the river is the scene of Washington's crossing 
on that stormy Christmas night. 

(303) 



304 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Within a stone's throw is the Washington Market, the scene 
of Washington's welcome by the mothers and daughters who 
erected an arch of flowers, the ladies strewing his path with 
flowers as he walked under it. In this welcome the citizens of 
Trenton joined when on his way to New York to be inaugurated 
as the first President of the United States. 

Here, one hundred and thirty-one years ago, Marquis de 
Lafayette took final farewell of Congress, December nth, 1784. 

As we contemplate these stirring times and realize the great 
change and progress not only this State has made but the Nation 
in its forward movement, until today it is the greatest power in 
the world, we find we have begun to be a real world power. 
America has taken upon herself the burden — and the profit — of 
rehabilitating war-ravished Europe and opening the gates of 
prosperity to India and South America and the Orient. Accord- 
ing to historians, America was thrust into a position of world 
power in the closing years of the last century, when the war 
with Spain carried her army and her navy into the Philippines. 
She strode forward another step when she brought about the 
open door in China, but here, practically speaking, she halted. 
Now she is taking another step, not through the compulsion of 
circumstances, but voluntarily, and it is the greatest of them all. 

And as we look back and contemplate the early history and 
stirring events which took place in this city, it is befitting that 
we are inspired to erect on this spot, by permission of our 
beloved and esteemed fellow member, your honored citizen, 
who has been honored repeatedly by the State, a man who is 
respected and beloved by everybody — the Honorable ex-Gov- 
ernor Edward C. Stokes — a tablet commemorating these early 
events of our history. 

I am now going to ask your honorable Mayor, Frederick W. 
Donnelly, to reply. (Applause.) 

Mr. Donneeey : Members of the New Jersey Society of 
Pennsylvania, it is a great pleasure to welcome you to the City 
of Trenton today. It will be very hard by reason of the atmos- 
phere we are living in at the present moment to extend a very 



Addresses, 19 15. 305 

warm welcome, and I trust that the usual welcome that is 
extended to guests coming to this great old town may be given 
perhaps at greater length and under more comfortable condi- 
tions a little later on. 

There are several speakers who will address you here and I 
do not feel like consuming any time. It was to have been my 
pleasure to have received the tablet from your Society to-day, 
but there has been a little misunderstanding in the arrange- 
ments. 

However, I do want to say, briefly, we are glad you are here ; 
we are glad that you have come back to New Jersey, that you 
have come to this historic spot, this town that means so much to 
the Nation, that stands for so much in the industries and busi- 
ness, in education and religion and everything that goes to make 
a great community, all of which we boast of in this day. 

I wish more time were allotted, that a thorough inspection of 
our many historical spots might be made, som.e neglected but 
many of them marked by patriotic men and school children of 
this city. 

I wish the Battle Monument could be a part of your pil- 
grimage here, as well as the old Barracks and the old Douglas 
House, the Masonic Temple, the building in which we boast 
to-day was the first public school of America, on the site of that 
building which I understand you have recently seen. 

You come to-day to teach another object lesson, of what 
your Society stands for in this community, of patriotism — to add 
another step in that forward march of progress in this com- 
munity. We are glad you are here and I wish that I could go 
just a little further with you and take you to some of the toll 
bridges, you men from the great Commonwealth of Pennsyl- 
vania, that the freedom of exchange could be greater between 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, without the penalty of the toll 
which is put upon us now. 

I would like to take you a little further up the river and have 
you see what New Jersey has done, your native State, in develop- 
ing its project in the way of a memorial park on the most his- 
torical spot this nation contains, Washington's Crossing, and I 

20 



3o6 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

briefly want to say tO' you of Pennsylvania, and if you, through 
your influence, can push your Legislature just a little bit faster 
in establishing a park, along with the free bridges, I believe it is 
possible, with the influence of your great Commonwealth, to 
induce the Government of the United States to erect a monu- 
ment or something in the way of a memorial bridge on a spot 
that is sacred and dear and known to every civilized person in 
the world. (Applause.) 

I thank you for your attention and bid you a hearty welcome. 
(Applause.) 

Mr. Hires : In reviewing these stirring events it becomes 
proper that we should turn to the erection of this tablet by per- 
mission of your honored citizen, ex-Governor Stokes, and it is 
also befitting that one of our members, and a Jerseyman, a man 
who occupies not only a prominent position in the United 
States Halls of Congress, but one who occupies a position in 
our State, and who is beloved by all our people — I say it is 
befitting that we should call upon him as the orator of the 
occasion. I am glad to introduce to you Hon. J. Hampton 
Moore. 

Mr. Moore : Mr. Chairman, it's a cold day — but every true 
born Jerseyman warms up on his native soil. (Applause.) To 
be welcomed on this busy corner of the historic city of Trenton 
with the Mayor's eloquence in front, and the street car Hessians 
in the rear, would delight the cockles of the heart of any one 
who to himself hath said, "This is my own, my native land." 

The President of the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania 
has introduced me as the "orator" of the occasion. It is hard to 
live up to such an introduction and I do not expect to. I have 
come here hurriedly from Washington and shall speak but 
briefly, in order that you may soon resort to a warmer place. 

Whether the Society knew it or not, it happens that we have 
come to Trenton on the anniversary of Washington's encamp- 
ment at Valley Forge. One hundred and thirty-eight years ago 
to-day, the ragged and bedraggled, but patriotic soldiers of the 



Addresses, 19 15. 307 

Continental Army took up their camp yonder across the Dela- 
ware at Valley Forge. The British General Howe was in control 
at Philadelphia. It was a colder and a sadder day than this for 
the founders of this Republic. 

President Hires has referred to the stirring times about the 
City of Trenton in those days. He spoke of the historic im- 
portance of the ground upon which these exercises are being 
held. In truth, it is fair to say that we have met upon no mean 
spot. The unveiling of the tablet upon this building revives the 
memories that hallow Valley Forge, that cluster around the 
Battle Monument, and that make precious the patriotic land- 
marks that have been reviewed by President Hires and by 
Mayor Donnelly. 

It was here that Washington was received. It was here that 
the great friend of America, the French General, Lafayette, made 
his farewell address to Congress. This ground was the scene of 
many interesting events prior to and during the period of the 
Revolution, and the New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania has done 
well in coming here to dedicate to the City of Trenton a tablet to 
celebrate the site. 

When our forefathers were assembling about this corner, 
much as you are doing to-day, we were in the throes of a war 
which was to settle our fate as a Nation. Those who assume 
that no warlike foreigner would ever dare to put his foot upon 
American soil, have but to recall that during the period of the 
Revolution the foe was here, and that he had to be met and driven 
back by the sturdy sons of America. 

The Congress which had been meeting in the City of Philadel- 
phia, the home of the Liberty Bell which proclaimed the Declara- 
tion of Independence, had decided to meet in Trenton. The de- 
pressed state of the Treasury which was partly responsible for an 
outbreak of a portion of the troops, had induced our Continental 
forefathers to remove the seat of Government to Princeton. This 
was in 1783. There the Continental Congress deliberated and 
amongst other things took up the very important question of loca- 
tion, the permanent location, of the Congress of the United 
States. Where should the Congress go? 



3o8 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

Then, as now, men in politics and in statecraft resorted to 
log-rolling and to other methods we sometimes denounce to-day. 
Such methods are not new. They never have been new in the 
history of the world. The Continental Congress at Princeton de- 
liberated and received proposals; the various States then repre- 
sented in the Confederation of States made their suggestions as to 
the place of meeting. What should be the permanent home of 
the Congress of the United States? Sites in Pennsylvania were 
suggested ; Philadelphia put in its bid ; Maryland put in its bid ; 
Virginia put in its bid, and bids came from New England. The 
Congress of the United States was worth having; the people of 
those days saw just as the people oi the present day see the ad- 
vantage of entertaining the representatives of the Nation. 

New Jersey sites were foremost in the offerings. Princeton 
wanted to be made the home of the Nation. Burlington County 
offered a site. Numerous other offers were made to the Con- 
gress. But finally, after careful deliberation, a resolution was 
passed that there should be erected "upon the banks of the Dela- 
ware, nearby the City of Trenton," a permanent establishment 
for the accommodation and maintenance of the Congress of the 
United States. It passed, but then, as to-day, in our various leg- 
islatures and sometimes in our National Congress, a new motion 
was made. After reconsideration the new motion was that tem- 
porary places of residence only should be established for the Con- 
gress of the United States, one upon "the banks of the Delaware, 
nearby to the City of Trenton," and the other on "the banks of 
the Potomac, nearby to the City of Georgetown," the present site 
of Washington. 

Then, before the Congress adjourned from Princeton, it was 
decided that they should alternate between these two places when 
ready; meanwhile they began their next session in the City of An- 
napolis, in Maryland. Congress met in Annapolis for a time 
after the adjournment from Princeton yonder, and from Annap- 
olis the Congress decided that it would come to the City of Tren- 
ton, here "upon the banks of the Delaware," where it was orig- 
inally intended that the permanent capitol of the Nation should 
be. This much for the satisfaction of the Mayor and the citizens 



Addresses, 19 15. 309 

of Trenton, who may be studying up the importance of the city 
as a national landmark. 

Congress decided to come to Trenton. A lease was entered 
into. Consult the archives and Dr. Godfrey of your Adjutant 
General's office, if you desire the details; but one hundred and 
fifty pounds was the amount that Congress paid for the lease of 
the site we are now occupying, the present home of the Mechanics' 
National Bank, of which your distinguished citizen, Governor 
Stokes, is President. Here, where we now stand, stood the old 
City Tavern, known in even earlier days by other names, but here 
it stood and within its walls the Congress of the United States 
assembled in solemn council in 1784. Thus Trenton, early in 
the history of the country, and apart from its other traditions 
and memories, was permanently placed upon the map of the 
country. 

This, my friends, in brief, is the story and the occasion of our 
visit. A band of loyal Jerseymen, men who were born in this 
State, or whose parents were born here, we have come back to 
renew our faith and friendship, and to express the pride we feel 
in the sacrifices and achievements of our ancestors. (Applause.) 

Why are we proud of the State in which many of us were 
born ? Because she was steadfast in Colonial times and in all the 
period of the union of the States ; because in the march of progress 
she has never receded, and because in that advance which has 
characterized the union of the States, New Jersey has been con- 
spicuous and foremost in their upbuilding. 

The revolutionary history of New Jersey is glorious. Her 
history in the Civil War and in all the epochal periods of the 
country is distinguished ; in all great events she stands resplendent 
in men and deeds. In material progress New Jersey is the peer 
of any other State. Let us make a few comparisons. 

The first census of the United States was taken in 1790, and 
then New Jersey had a population of 184,139. That was the rec- 
ord of New Jersey 126 years ago. The census which your State 
authorities have just completed for the year 19 15, shows that that 
population has advanced to approximately 3,000,000 souls, actu- 
ally 2,844,342. New Jersey is but a spot upon the map of the 



310 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

United States, and yet, in the value of manufactured products, 
New Jersey stands sixth in hne amongst all the forty-eight States 
of the United States. She is exceeded in the value of the prod- 
uct in her manufactures only by the great Empire State of New 
York first, by the great Keystone State of Pennsylvania second, 
by the great interior Middle Western State of Illinois third, by the 
old Bay State of Massachusetts fourth, and by the great agricul- 
ture and manufacturing State of Ohio fifth. 

Little New Jersey, here upon the Atlantic seaboard, stands 
sixth of all the States of the Union, in the record of the product 
of her manufactures. (Applause.) Something to be proud of 
there. 

And in the density of her population, the accumulation upon a 
limited soil of God's best people, New Jersey, this little State of 
ours, sixth in the product of manufactures, stands third only to 
Rhode Island first, and Massachusetts second. That is. New 
Jersey has within her borders a denser population than any other 
State in this Union save Rhode Island and Massachusetts. She 
has a population of 378 (State Census) or 337 (Federal Census 
of 1910), for every square mile of ground. When sometimes 
you hear the arguments of our friends in the South or in the West 
about the development of their respective sections, bear in mind 
that here in New Jersey you have 378 (or in 1910, 338) people 
for every square mile of ground, while out yonder in Nevada, for 
instance, which has two United States Senators to your two 
United States Senators, they have, for more than every square 
mile of ground, only one inhabitant — at least that is the estimate 
based on the thirteenth census. 

New Jersey cannot compare with greater States in the number 
or value of farms, because her area is so limited, but on the aver- 
age of the value of crops per acre New Jersey stands fourth of 
all the great agricultural States of the Union. Her record in 
manufactures is fine, as is her record in population, but her record 
in agriculture, in the value of her soil products per acre, is behind 
that only of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut. In 
her farm development, tested by the skill of her toilers and the 



Addresses, 19 15. 311 

richness of her soil, New Jersey stands fourth amongst all the 
forty-eight States of this Union. (Applause.) 

And when it comes to financial stability — that substantial 
quality of which we are proud in discussing the relative merits 
of the States, New Jersey stands one among the thirteen of the 
forty-eight States of the Union whose debt per capita is less than 
one dollar, and one among the four whose per capita debt is less 
than 25 cents — a true test of the value of citizenship (Applause) 
— a real evidence of the strength and solidity of the people who 
constitute a commonwealth. 

My friends, we glory in the grandeur of New Jersey and we 
glory in those forefathers of ours, who deliberated in Philadel- 
phia, in Princeton and upon the site of this beautiful bank build- 
ing. They strove and they suffered and they had their conten- 
tions and differences, just as we have them to-day. They had 
them perhaps in a more aggravated form because their great 
problems were new. We have had the advantage of their ex- 
perience and we have greater strength in numbers. They had the 
great burden of establishing the foundations, and for that we 
should be thankful. They were no' more infallible than we are 
now, but they succeeded in fundamentals, and it is wise and 
proper that we should hold their memory in grateful reverence. 

They had their war problems just as we are having them now. 
They met them with courage and with fortitude. They established 
one enduring precedent which bears upon our present-day agita- 
tion for preparedness. They understood the civic virtue of com- 
munity life. They knew the plain people, many of whom had fled 
from imperialism abroad, would not stand for militiarism in the 
new country. They realized that the strength of the union of 
States, once established, would depend upon a solid citizenship — 
upon a civic patriotism. They valued the army even though they 
could not pay it, but they did not want the army to rule. They 
had- seen the soldiers of their own day goi for months and years 
without recompense and with scant clothing — ^but when the test 
came, those forefathers of ours and their successors stood for the 
civic rights — the domestic peaceful rights of the people. They 
knew what it meant to build up and maintain a large standing 



312 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

army — their European experiences taught them that — and they so 
legislated as to keep the war spirit in proper bounds. For finan- 
cial as well as for civic reasons, they were compelled to do so. 

While they honored Washington, the soldier, almost to the 
point of idolatry, they honored him more as the citizen and states- 
man who stood for their progress, their security and their happi- 
ness as a people. These were the principles which he and they 
finally wrote into the Constitution of the United States. Wash- 
ington understood the problem of distributing the army. He 
and his Congressional associates had much of the same concern 
after the surrender at Yorktown that Grant and his generals had 
at the close of the Civil War. In neither instance were the sol- 
diers who had fought so gallantly to- be permitted to continue 
indefinitely under martial law. There was a fear, during the 
Revolutionary period, that they might overrun the country to the 
prejudice of all peace and of all law and order, but our forefathers 
wisely provided against any such condition. Happily they were 
able by legislation, supported by a v/holesome public sentiment, to 
turn the mind of the soldiery to civic employment, toi obedience 
to civil law. 

It is no mean undertaking to build up an army and by the 
same token an army of veterans, once organized and dependent 
upon military regulation and support, cannot be easily broken up. 
It is said that someone imbued with the martial spirit suggested 
to General Grant, when the distribution of his great veteran army 
was under discussion at the close of the Civil War, that it would 
be well to move on to Canada and take possession of that coun- 
try. Of course no such conquest was entered upon, but under 
the advice of men like Grant the mind of the soldier was turned 
toward the plow-share; he was urged to return to peaceful avoca- 
tion, and to-day no higher tribute can be paid to the American 
veteran who knew what actual warfare was than to say, he is the 
truest and best friend of our civil institutions. Having tasted 
of the horrors of war, he understands and appreciates the value 
of peace. 

It may not be amiss, while our people are discussing the ques- 
tion of preparedness, to refer to these incidents in our own his- 



Addresses, 191 5. 313 

tory. We must deal with the question of preparedness, but we 
should treat it from the standpoint of the national welfare over 
and above the interest or prejudices of individuals. If we are 
to prepare for war we should prepare not only to defend our 
national honor if assailed, but to insure that peace and tranquility 
which our forefathers wrote into the Constitution of the United 
States. (Applause.) We have seen enough of the horrors of 
European warfare to prepare ourselves to avoid them. What 
this country wants and what our forefathers strove for was the 
maintenance of peace and security. Our preparedness, therefore, 
whether it consist of an increase in the navy, which is the first 
line of defence, or whether it be to build up our coast defenses 
and increase our standing army, should nevertheless be wholly 
with the view of perpetuating the assurances and the safeguards 
which have been given to the American fireside by our Constitu- 
tion and our laws. In short, our preparedness should be suffi- 
cient only to uphold the American standards of right and justice. 
It should be a model for civilization. (Applause.) And to this 
end it should be our duty and our pride to encourage and to con- 
tinue now and forever that spirit of faith and patriotism which 
animated the men who assembled here in Congress in 1784, and 
who made it possible under the Constitution of the United States 
that the rights of the people to the enjoyment of justice, domestic 
tranquilityand the common defense should be preserved. (Ap- 
plause.) 

Mr. Hires : I now have the pleasure of calling upon Hon. 
Barton B. Hutchinson, your Senator from this territory, who will 
accept the tablet on behalf of the City of Trenton. 

Mr. Hutchinson : Mr. Chairman, Mr. Moore and Jersey- 
men of Pennsylvania, I assure you that I am deeply sensible of 
the honor of representing the City of Trenton on this occasion in 
the receiving from your hands this commemorative tablet. 

I could well wish that this pleasurable and honorable duty, 
however, might have fallen into better hands, but I can assure 
you Jerseymen of Pennsylvania of the warmest possible welcome 



314 Ne;w Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

from the Jerseymen of New Jersey. (Applause.) I am sorry 
indeed and we Jerseymen are all sorry, that everybody, whether 
in Pennsylvania or elsewhere, cannot be so well situated as to 
live within the borders of New Jersey. Unfortunately, as the 
preceding speaker has said, we have not quite room enough for 
you all, and we are exceedingly glad to have you come in detach- 
ments in the hope that Providence in the future may so smile 
upon you that you may be able to come back and live with us. 
(Applause.) 

This, my friends, to my mind, is not a small occasion. This 
is an exceedingly important event and its importance must not 
be measured by the mere surrounding circumstances of this 
affair. Its importance lies deeper and reaches farther and higher 
than the mere exercises of to-day. We are apt to forget in the 
symbol of patriotic religion or otherwise, the idea, the principle 
that is symbolized by it, and we must not forget, my friends, 
upon this occasion, that these men, these ragged, foot sore, 
weary men who met here on this spot and fought the battle of 
Trenton, the men who occupied the building upon which this 
building stands, those men did not fight merely for the sake of 
conquest, they did not fight merely for the preservation of their 
homes and their property, but they fought for a great, deep, 
fundamental principle; they fought for "Liberty," and their 
hearts burned with the love of "Liberty," which kept them 
through many a sorry time in the War of the Revolution. 

Now, Trenton, my friends, is replete with historic memory. 
This spot is, as has been said, sacred ground and the lesson that 
we are to learn is that we shall keep pure and inviolate the 
ideals, the thoughts and aspirations of those men who fought 
that we ourselves might be here to-day breathing the air of 
liberty. (Applause.) 

I am not going to keep you long. You have already stood 
in the cold long enough. I do accept, as I have been deputed to 
do, this commemorative tablet on behalf of the City of Trenton, 
our own beloved city, and I do so in the hope that we who accept 
it, as well as those who have presented it, shall always be ani- 
mated and actuated by the only ideals that should characterize a 



Addre;sses, 191 5. 



315 



people, the higliest indivdiial ideals, the highest civic ideals, the 
highest ideals of the State and the highest ideals of the Nation, 
and we, my friends, are now to-day just learning a broader lesson 
than even this. Some one must some day coin a word that will 
express what I may crudely express as "International patriot- 
ism," because if any one thing has been borne in upon us by the 
great war across the water, it is that no man lives to himself 
alone. No community lives to itself alone, no state lives to itself 
alone and no nation does. It has convinced us of the solidarity 
of the human brotherhood and of that principle that makes all 
men akin. (Applause.) 

And in conclusion I thank you on behalf of the City of Tren- 
ton, Mr. Chairman and members of the Society, and I do for- 
mally accept this tablet, and I do assure you that it will be cher- 
ished as one of our most valuable possessions and to be added 
to the collection of those tablets that has so commemorated the 
various events in the Revolution that have occurred in our 
beloved city. (Applause.) 




PILESGROVE MEETING HOUSE. 



ADDRESSES 

Merry greetings, congenial companions and mutual inter- 
changes of sentiment, at the Tenth Annual Banquet of the New 
Jersey Society of Pennsylvania, at the Bellevue-Stratford, Phila- 
delphia, on December i8, 1916, emphasized in a superlative 
degree that spirit of fraternity and good fellowship which has 
been pre-eminently characteristic of all the Reunions of the 
Society. 

The intellectual entertainment supplementing the social 
enjoyment feature abounded in personal and historical remin- 
iscences of New Jersey, and included valuable contributions by 
President Mulford, of the Society, in a record of notable 
achievements in war and peace, by representative Jerseymen, 
and by Chancellor Walker, of the State Judiciary, on "The Old 
Barracks at Trenton," in a history of this relic of Revolutionary 
days and the social conditions of that period. An interesting 
incident of the oratory was a narrative, from actual observation, 
of recent scenes and conditions in the great European War, and 
a reference to the forceful lessons taught by it, by Director Gen- 
eral Barrett, of the Pan-American Union. Rev, Floyd W. Tom- 
kins spoke of his early association with New Jersey and his love 
for her people, and, in a most inspiring address, called attention 
to the high quality of her citizenship. The wit of Mr. Thomas 
A. Daly, as radiating from the Philadelphia B'l/ening Ledger, 
added to the evening's pleasure. 

The occasion was honored by a full attendance of the mem- 
bership, and ranked among the most successful of the celebra- 
tions by the Society of the anniversary of New Jersey's adoption 
of the Constitution of the United States. 

Mr. H. K. MUI.FORD, the President of the Society, officiated 
as Toastmaster. 

President Mulford, who was greeted by the company with 
enthusiasm, prefaced his introductory address with an expres- 

(316) 



Addre;sses, 19 i6. 317 

sion of regret that his predecessor, Mr. Hires, who had been 
expected to preside at the dinner, was unable to attend on 
account of illness. He then addressed the Society as follows : 

Gentlemen : Following the distinguished sons of New Jersey 
whom you selected as your Presiding Officers, I sincerely appre- 
ciate the honor you have conferred in electing me President of 
your New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. I thank you most 
sincerely, and — speaking for my official associates — with your 
co-operation and support, we promise our best endeavors to add 
to the success of our organization. 

I am proud of my New Jersey ancestry; and there is good 
reason why every Jerseyman should love his native State. Per- 
mit me to briefly outline her history. The following events, in 
chronological order, will, I am sure, be interesting to you. 

First settled by the Dutch from New Amsterdam in 1620, it 
was not until 1634 that a grant was obtained by Sir Edward 
Plowden from the King, Charles I, for the land lying on the east 
side of the Delaware. In 1664 Charles H granted the New 
Netherlands to his brother, the Duke of York, who, in turn, 
gave the entire portion of his grant, lying between the Hudson 
and the Delaware, to his two favorites, Lord Berkley and Sir 
George Carteret, "late Governor of the Island of Jersey," the 
latter having defended it from the Parliamentary troops, and in 
whose honor the land here was named New Jersey. 

The first legislature assembled in 1668, at Elizabethtown 
(named in honor of the wife of Sir George Carteret) and the seat 
of government was there established. This Assembly was com- 
posed of representatives from the Puritans of New England, the 
Dutch and the Swedes from North Jersey, the Scotch-Irish and 
the Quakers from South Jersey. On July i, 1676, the Province 
of New Jersey was divided into^ East Jersey (the property of Sir 
George Carteret) and West Jersey, which later passed into the 
hands of the Associates of the Society of Friends. West Jersey, 
in turn, was divided into one hundred parts; ten parts being set 
aside for Fenwick, who- first settled in Salem ; and the "Propri- 
etors of New Jersey" was organized — who, on account of interna,^ 
dissensions, surrendered their domain to the Crown in 1702. 



3i8 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

William Franklin, son of Benjamin Franklin, of Pennsyl- 
vania, was the last of the Royal Governors of New Jersey. 
Meanwhile, in November, 1681, the First Popular Assembly 
was held in Salem. In 1682 William Penn purchased from the 
heirs of Sir George Carteret what was known as East Jersey, 
and appointed as Governor, Robert Barclay, a young Scotch 
Quaker, who afterwards became one of the most eminent lead- 
ers in "The Meeting." New Jersey was made an independent 
colony in 1738. 

During all this period immigrants had begun to flock to New 
Jersey because of the generous terms offered settlers; and even 
at that time the Constitution was most liberal and satisfactory. 

At Burlington, on July 2, 1776, twO' days before the Constitu- 
tion of Pennsylvania was adopted, the First Provincial Congress 
was held, the Constitution of the State of New Jersey adopted 
and a State Government organized, with William Livingstone as 
the first Governor. 

During the Revolutionary War over ninety engagements were 
fought in New Jersey ; the State being truly "the warpath of the 
Revolution," and as much a battle ground, during the War of 
Independence, as was Virginia during the Civil War. Washing- 
ton spent nearly two^ and a half years, during the struggle for 
independence, in New Jersey. The battles of Princeton and 
Trenton were more momentous than Saratoga. At Trenton was 
the first decisive turn in the long lane of defeat. On the anvil 
at Trenton was welded the sword for final defeat at Yorktown. 
As Lord Germain said, in the British Parliament, "All our hopes 
were blasted by that unhappy affair at Trenton." Frederick the 
Great has referred to the battles of Trenton and Princeton as the 
most brilliant ten days' campaign in the annals of military 
achievements ; for it must be remembered that this campaign won 
for us the support of France, which contributed Lafayette, 
Rochambeau and a number of other magnificent Frenchmen who 
helped to win our independence. 

During the War for Independence New Jersey furnished her 
full quota of enlisted men. Stockton, Mercer, Livingstone, Nath- 
aniel Evans, Tom Paine, Professor Tyler fought battles for in- 
dependence with the pen as well as the sword. 



Addresses, 191 6. 319 

In the War of 18 12, within fifteen days a'fter the call by Con- 
gress for volunteers, five thousand State militia had been mobil- 
ized by Governor Bloomfield and placed under the command of 
General Benjamin Ludlow. Over thirty-six thousand men were 
furnished by the State of New Jersey during this conflict. The 
names of Lawrence, Somers, Bainbridge, Stewart, Stockton, 
Sampson — all Jerseymen by birth or residence — stand out prom- 
inently in the naval history of our country. 

In the War of the Rebellion, while she was not a battle ground, 
New Jersey poured out her wealth of sons and material means for 
the support of the country. On the i6th of April, 1861, Trenton 
Company "A," of the New Jersey State militia, a thoroughly 
drilled and well equipped body, was the first Company in the 
North to perform military service. New Jersey's quota, in the 
Presidential call for volunteers, was 3,123 men. In response to 
this call, within fifteen days. New Jersey offered ten thousand vol- 
unteers to take up arms in defense of the Nation, four thousand 
men were equipped and ready for service, and $3,350,000 was 
raised for supporting the families of volunteers. New Jersey 
furnished the first fully equipped and organized brigade for the 
defense of Washington. During the titanic struggle for the 
preservation o'f the Union, she furnished 88,305 men — a larger 
number, I believe, in proportion to her population, than was fur- 
nished by any other Northern State — and, in addition thereto, 
contributed over $23,000,000 in bounties. While suffering 
severely from curtailment of her industries, since all her energies 
were bent upon the preservation of the Union, thus nobly did 
she contribute of her treasure and the lives of her loyal sons. 

To Battery "B," of Camden, N. J., belongs the honor of 
being the first militia organized to move to the Mexican border 
at the last mobilization. 

In the Revolution we have the inspiration of Molly Pitcher 
serving the guns at Monmouth; in the War of 181 2 Captain 
Lawrence, whose dying words were, "Don't give up the ship" ; 
and in the Civil War it was the magnificent Kearney who, at 
Seven Pines, told his Colonel, "Go in anywhere — you'll find 
lovely fighting all along the line." 



320 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

It was a fellow townsman, the brilliant Colonel William E. 
Potter, of Bridgeton, who was detailed to deliver the colors sur- 
rendered by General Lee at Appomattox to Secretary of War 
Stanton. 

It is not in war alone, however, that we. New Jerseymen, 
have a proud lineage, but also in the pursuits of the arts and 
the sciences of peace. 

The first trust fund in the United States for the purpose of 
public education was formed in Burlington, N. J., in 1682. In 
1696 John Woolman, a member of the Society of Friends in 
New Jersey, was the first abolitionist. In 1786 the first Aboli- 
tion Society was formed, and in 1804 the Abolition Act was 
passed. 

In 1753 Josiah Hornblower built, at Belleville, N, J., the 
first steam engine, sixteen years before Watt began his investi- 
gations in England. 

In 1766 the Medical Society of New Jersey was formed — 
this being the first medical society in the United States — and the 
term "Doctor" was first applied to medical practitioners in 
America. 

In 1777 New Jersey was the first of the States to recognize 
the principle of "Protection to Home Industries." 

In 1790 the Supreme Court of the State of New Jersey intro- 
duced into the American system of government a principle of 
prime importance, viz., "That the Act of the Legislature, when 
weighed in the balance of the Constitution and found wanting, is 
no law." This judgment, rendered in a country village in the 
middle of New Jersey, was the first in a series of judicial deci- 
sions there and elsewhere unknown, and established "Jersey 
justice." 

In the Chapel of Princeton College, then known as "The 
College of New Jersey," the first authentic account of the con- 
clusion of a definite treaty between Great Britain and the United 
States was received in 1783. 

At Rocky Hill, December 2, 1783, Washington delivered 
his famous Farewell Address. 



Addresses, 191 6. 321 

Trenton and Princeton were, for a considerable length of 
time, the seats of National Government in the United States. 

On December 18, 1787 — the day we celebrate to-night — the 
Constitution of the United States was adopted by New Jersey 
by a unanimous vote. 

The first steamboat in the United States was constructed by 
John Fitch, of Trenton, who, in the period from 1780 to 1791, 
built and operated four boats, the last boat making eight miles 
an hour. Fulton's "Clermont," built in 1807, twenty-two years 
after Fitch constructed his first steamboat, made five miles an 
hour. On March 18, 1786, the New Jersey Legislature passed 
an act giving Fitch the exclusive right to navigate the State's 
waters with steamboats. Colonel John Stevens, whose sons 
endowed the Stevens Institute, built the first single as well as 
double-screw propeller boat in 1802. He also, in 1809, con- 
structed the "Phoenix," the first ocean steamboat; which was 
successfully navigated from Hoboken to Philadelphia by his son, 
Robert L. Stevens, a Jersey boy of twenty, who afterwards built 
the first iron-clad vessel. 

The first charter for a railroad in America was granted by the 
Legislature of New Jersey in 1814, for a railway from Trenton 
to New Brunswick. The first steam locomotive was constructed 
at Hoboken in 1825, and ran between Honesdale and Pompton. 
A Jerseyman, Horatio Allen, was the engineer. 

Machinery for the "Savannah," the first steamship to cross 
the Atlantic, was constructed at the Vail Works, Speedwell, 
near Morristown, in 1818. 

New Jersey was one of the first States to establish a sound 
"Banking Act." 

It was a Jerseyman, James W. Marshall, who was the first 
to discover gold. It was at Columa, near Sacramento, in 1848. 

The Great Bridge over the East River, between New York 

and Brooklyn, was completed by Washington A. Roebling, son 

of John A. Roebling, of Trenton, by whom it was begun. It 

was Mrs. Emily Warren Roebling, the wife of Washington A. 

Roebling (Mr. Roebling being stricken with typhoid fever) who, 

being conversant with all the details of construction, superin- 
21 



322 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

tended the finishing of the work ; and it was to this magnificent 
woman that Mayor Abram S. Hewitt paid the following tribute, 
at the dedication of the bridge : 

"In ancient times, when great works were constructed, 
a goddess was chosen, to whose tender care they were dedi- 
cated. Thus the ruins of the Acropolis to-day recall the 
name of Pallas Athene to an admiring world. So will this 
bridge ever be coupled with the thought of one through the 
subtle alembic of whose brain and by whose facile fingers 
communication was maintained between the directing 
power of its construction and the obedient agencies of its 
execution. It is thus an everlasting monument to the self- 
sacrificing devotion of woman, and her capacity for that 
higher education from which she has been too long de- 
barred. The name of Mrs. Emily Warren Roebling will 
thus be inseparably associated with all that is admirable in 
human nature and with all that is wonderful in the con- 
structive world of art." 

John Philip Hohand, a school teacher of Paterson, invented 
the first submarine, "The Holland," built in 1898, at Nixon's 
shipyard at Elizabeth. 

To Edison the world is indebted for his discoveries in elec- 
tricity. 

Woodrow Wilson has the unique distinction of being the 
first Democratic President to serve two successive terms. May 
his administration be crowned with success and add to the glory 
of our country and to the world's peace. 

New Jersey has over thirty-five hundred miles of railroad, 
with more than sixty thousand employees. The State is a bee- 
hive of commercial activity and is the centre for the manufac- 
ture of silk, pottery, glass, rubber, oil cloth and linoleum ; of 
woolen and worsted mills, of leather, shoes, chemicals and refin- 
ing of oil. "His Master's Voice" is heard around the world. 
The number of wage-earning men and women approaches five 
hundred thousand, and the annual products of their labor exceed 
in value a thousand millions of dollars. 



Addre;ssi;s, 191 6. 323 

Truly New Jersey is one of the most important in the sister- 
hood of States. But it is not only her magnificent history nor 
her material prosperity, but it is the New Jersey spirit that is her 
greatest source of strength. In the early days there existed an 
organization that, from its uniform, was known as "the Jersey 
Blues." This little band was so loyal and true that its fidelity 
attracted universal attention, and the term "Jersey Blues" has 
ever been synonymous with sincerity, with integrity and with 
fidelity. That spirit permeates our people to-day. As the "Jer- 
sey Blues" fought for principles of justice, equality and the right, 
so we, Jerseymen, should always be inspired to realize that the 
greatest happiness comes not from selfishness or self-aggrandize- 
ment, but from devotion to and service for the good of our 
fellows. 

However, not as Jerseymen but as Americans let us celebrate 
to-night, the 129th anniversary of the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion by the State of New Jersey; for unless the minds of our 
people are inspired with the spirit of nationality, this nation will 
fail not only in fulfilling its destiny in the councils of the world, 
but will fail to realize its duties at home. So long as our represen- 
tatives in Congress vote only for their districts and ignore the 
needs of the nation at large, so long as our great transportation 
lines, the arteries of trade and commerce, are hampered by un- 
fair State restrictions, instead of being developed as a great 
national asset and as the nation's highway, so long as immi- 
grants are treated as foreign laborers and not taught their duties 
of citizenship, so long as sectional interests are fostered and the 
principles of party are placed ahead of patriotism, our national 
vigor must be stunted and patriotic unity prevented. 

The war abroad is teaching us that where nations are united 
their strength is secured. The East and the West are widely 
apart on the vital issue of Preparedness. It is proclaimed by one 
of the foremost writers of Kansas that "The West has but a 
polite interest in Preparedness ;" and yet this is the vital issue, in 
our judgment, that is to-day before the American nation. Taxes 
are aimed by the South and the West at the North and the East, 
Education is confined to local and State, and there is none of 
National scope. 



324 New Jkrsey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Our country needs now, more than ever in its period of exist- 
ence, national unity and Americanism. Our independence was 
won by our forefathers because they were united, because they 
were real Americans, because they loved their country. Their 
lives, their fortunes and their sacred honors were pledged on the 
altar of liberty. They founded the greatest nation on earth ; and 
to-night we are celebrating the anniversary of New Jersey's 
adoption of our Constitution. We can do no better, nor any- 
thing more patriotic than to follow the footsteps of our fore- 
fathers and dedicate ourselves to the service of our country. 
Our flag should be a beacon light. We must all be citizens not 
of New Jersey, not of Pennsylvania, but of the United States. 
Then will this great land of ours fulfill its manifest mission and 
its obligations. Then may we have "Peace on earth and good 
will to men." (Long-continued applause.) 

The Toastmaster, upon the subsidence of the applause 
which followed his address, proposed, on behalf of the Society, 
the toast, "The President of the United States," to which the 
members and their guests responded by rising and honoring the 
sentiment in respectful silence. 

The Toastmaster : Gentlemen, we are honored to-night by 
the presence, as the first speaker on the program, of Hon. John 
Barrett, Director General of the Pan-American Union, an or- 
ganization of the twenty-one American Republics, which is 
devoted to the development of commerce, intercourse, friend- 
ship and peace among those nations. He has the distinction of 
being the only officially selected international officer in the 
world ; his selection as the representative of all these govern- 
ments having been expressed by their diplomatic representa- 
tives at Washington. He has also served the United States as 
American Minister to Siam and in other responsible positions. 
Although still a young man, he is occupied in many official 
capacities, as American Minister to foreign countries, a dele- 
gate to the United States from Mexico, and a commissioner 
for various nations. 



Addresses, 19 i6. 325 

Mr. Barrett has come to address iis at considerable personal 
sacrifice, because of important engagements at Washington. He 
has a message for us, which, I know, we will all be glad to hear. 
He recently spent some time, he informs me, along the firing 
line on the Swiss border. He has held interesting conversa- 
tions with Mr. Lloyd George, in England, and with the Prime 
Minister of France. I am sure we will all find pleasure in 
listening to Mr. Barrett. 

Mr. Barrett was welcomed with enthusiasm. His response, 
interspersed with rounds of applause, was as follows : 

Mr. President, members of the New Jersey Society of Penn- 
sylvania : The first thing that I am prompted to say is a sincere 
word of appreciation of that remarkable address by your Presi- 
dent. I beg to recommend to your Committee that it be printed 
and sent to the Principal of every High School in New Jersey. 
I cannot think of anything that would more surely make every 
New Jersey boy and girl proud of being a resident of that State. 

I am not going to occupy your time by references to New 
Jersey, as that has been done so well already. I could devote 
all of my allotted moments to doing credit to your history and 
to your wonderful men. If I might add anything supplementary 
to what your President has said, I would ask him to incorporate 
in that address a specific reference to the fact that you have in 
the State of New Jersey that man who, by the public sentiment 
of the United States two years ago, was voted the greatest of all 
Americans — Thomas A. Edison. Further (and I may say it as 
an International of^cer and not being in politics), the State of 
New Jersey has the honor of having the only Democratic 
President who has been re-elected since the early days of the 
Republic. 

Having come here to-night, at a time when it is really very 
difficult for me to get away from Washington, I hope to show 
my appreciation of the honor of your invitation when I tell you 
that yours is only one of two or three invitations which I have 
accepted for the whole month of December, out of nearly a hun- 
dred I have received to discuss Pan-American questions. I 



326 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

thank the Chairman for his very kind reference to me; and I 
may say that my message to you to-night is of a serious and 
exceptional character. I am speaking to you in my capacity 
as an International officer. I do have the honor of being the 
only International officer in the world who is elected by the 
actual votes of representatives of a large group of nations, and 
who is chosen, not by the vote of the President of the United 
States alone, but by the votes of the Presidents of all the Ameri- 
can Republics, expressed through their diplomatic representa- 
tives in Washington. My message to you to-night comprehends 
the great international problems before the family of nations, 
and possibly some suggestion of the attitude of Europe and the 
United States with respect to the questions that are pending 
at this hour. 

I would like to be reminiscent, but my time is too limited, 
and therefore I shall devote my remarks to the more important 
considerations, and ask your permission to eliminate the less 
serious. As what might be called an inspiration for what I have 
to express to you, I wish tO' say that I cannot too strongly urge 
upon you the importance of the American people, as a great 
body politic, giving more serious study to our international 
relations as affected by this European conflict. 

Gentlemen of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, to-day the 
whole future of the United States seems to be dependent upon 
the successful issue of our foreign problems. At this hour they 
are undoubtedly more critical in their possibilities than are any 
of our home questions, no matter how important the latter. The 
great majority of the rank and file of our people are not aroused 
to this serious fact. We are so tremendously prosperous — I say 
it to you, Mr. President of the Philadelphia Chamber of Com- 
merce — we are moving ahead materially with such incredible 
speed, we are spending money so lavishly, and we are drifting 
so easily and swiftly upon the great flood-tide of business optim- 
ism, that we do not realize the dangerous elements that threaten 
us. The country is, at this hour, engaging in a near orgy of 
luxury. An afternoon or evening spent in any city of the 
United States, like New York, Boston, Chicago, San Francisco 



Addre;sses, 19 i6. 327 

— or even Philadelphia — and Washington, should convince a 
serious man that we are almost rioting in our self-contentment, 
without realization of the great problems which we must con- 
front. 

Having just returned from an extended visit to England and 
France, where it was my privilege to come into contact with 
representative men, from their Premiers and their Generals 
down to the British and the French privates in the zones of the 
firing line, having noted the condition of life in the great cities 
of Paris and London, and having been particularly impressed 
with the self-sacrifice of the French people, men and women 
alike, I cannot help experiencing a shock from what I term the 
almost wanton prosperity that to-day characterizes our country 
and our people. It is no exaggeration to state that the interna- 
tional development of the next sixty daySj and surely of the next 
six months, may have as much hearing upon the future of the 
United States as upon that of any European country. And then 
m.ay he determined whether we are to he the leaders or the lag- 
gards in the progress of civilization, whether we are to hecome 
and remain forever the first pozuer of the world or secondary in 
influence among the nations. We must, therefore, not only as 
a government but as a people, be up and doing in solving our in- 
ternational problems, in studying international questions and 
in realizing our international responsibilities. To this end. 
every civic, commercial and social organization, including the 
New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania — every organization of our 
women and our men — and then our universities, our public 
schools and our newspapers, should leave no- effort, nO' method 
neglected to awaken our people to a careful consideration of these 
great international issues. In this way only the people, co-oper- 
ating with the central Government at Washington, can protect 
and safeguard the name, the influence and the position of the 
United States in the mighty family of nations and make the name 
of the United States honored and trusted throughout the world. 

Ranking high in these, our foreign relations, are our oppor- 
tunities and our responsibilities with our twenty sister American 
Republics of the Western hemisphere. They have been affected 



328 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

just as much by the war as have the United States ; and they are 
looking to the United States for leadership and co-operation in 
solving the gigantic problems of this struggle across the seas. 
My friends, in our busy business lives we do not stop to realize 
that this struggle has done more than any other influence since 
the declaration of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, nearly a hun- 
dred years ago, to develop Pan-American commerce, Pan-Amer- 
ican comity and Pan-American solidarity. The indications are 
that the United States must prepare for the most powerful com- 
mercial competition, after the war, in the Latin-American field. 
It is therefore necessary that, in the study of international prob- 
lems, the American people should understand the meaning of prac- 
tical Pan- Americanism — the co-operation of all the nations of the 
Western hemisphere for the peace of the Western hemisphere, 
and, through, them, for all the world — to do everything in their 
power to promote closer relations with these sister American 
Republics, and to make sure that our American flag is honored 
and respected just as much in the valley of the Amazon or of 
the Parana as it is in that of the Schuylkill or the Susquehanna; 
that it stands for just as much upon the summits of the Andes 
as it does upon the ranges of the Appalachia. 

I would impress upon you, gentlemen of the New Jersey 
Society, that you go away from here to-night with a firm reso- 
lution, at the beginning of the year 191 7, to guard against the 
future, and, with other representative men and societies of this 
country, to strive to make the United States forever the leading 
power of civilization and Christianity. 

Gentlemen, I know how busy you are here in Philadelphia. 
I have been here many times, I have spoken to many of your 
organizations, and I know that, with your activities you have 
little practical knowledge of the Pan-American Union, of which 
I have the honor to be the Executive Officer. Therefore, I 
want to say a word to you about the Pan-American Union. I 
wish I could take you all to-morrow to Washington. When we 
landed in that beautiful city and were in front of the White 
House, we would go down to Seventeenth Street, pass the 
Corcoran Art Gallery, the new building of the Red Cross, the 



Addrkssks, 191 6. 329 

home of the Daughters of the Revohition ; and there, facing the 
great Potomac Park, midway between the Washington shaft 
and the new Lincoln Memorial, which is to be the most majestic 
monument the world has ever seen, stands the Pan-American 
Building, a building which a great living architect has described 
as combining beauty of architecture and usefulness of purpose, 
for it cost more than any other public building in the world. 
How many of you gentlemen realize that in the city of Wash- 
ington is this building absolutely unique, and housing an organi- 
zation also absolutely unique, in the true meaning of the word ? 
The Pan-American Building is the only structure under the 
sun that was built and is owned by a large group of nations. It 
is the only building in the world in which a great ofificial organi- 
zation, internationally created to promote peace and commer- 
cial relations, meets regularly, on a specified date in every 
month, to consider the ways and means of promoting not only 
commicrce and trade, but friendship and everlasting peace in 
that group of nations. 

I am not going to ask you to accept my word alone. When 
I was in England the other day, at a dinner that was given me 
by a great British leader of public opinion, at which were present 
other representative men, the host made a statement which 
sounded to me almost like an exaggeration. He said, "I am 
perfectly sure that if there had existed in London or Paris, in 
Berlin or Vienna, in Rome or Petrograd, a Pan-American 
Union" — that is, an All European Union, for that is the mean- 
ing of "Pan" — "that if there had existed, in any one of those 
capitals, a 'Pan-European Union,' which brought, every month, 
around the same table, shoulder to shoulder, the plenipoten- 
tiaries of every European nation to discuss the problems that 
concerned them, there never would have been a European 
war !" (Applause.) 

Gentlemen, when I tell you that since the Pan-American 
Union was organized there has never been a great war upon 
the Western hemisphere, between nations ; when I tell you that 
in the last ten years, since I have had the honor of following its 
course as its executive officer, the Governing Board of the Pan- 



330 Ne:w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

American Union has helped to prevent six great international 
wars upon the Western hemisphere, I submit that the Pan- 
American Union is entitled to your favorable consideration. I 
have not time to enter into details regarding it, nor to tell you 
how we have there experts on international trade, international 
law and international tariffs ; how we publish a monthly bulletin 
in English, Spanish, Portuguese and French, that is distributed 
all over the Western hemisphere ; how we publish reports from 
every one of these countries ; how daily that building is visited 
by more people than any other in Washington with the excep- 
tion of the Capitol and the White House — their number aver- 
aging from 500 to 2000 a day. I have not time to go into full 
and further details, but I do want to say to the members of the 
New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania that the latch-string of 
that building is always loose to you and your friends. When- 
ever you come to Washington and take advantage of this invita- 
tion, you will go away from that structure with a new concep- 
tion of the importance of brotherly love and co-operation among 
nations as well as among men. 

I wish I could tell you how this field of international effort 
appeals to New Jersey and Pennsylvania; I wish I could tell 
you how at the present time the trade of our sister republics is 
offering potentialities never before conceived of; how during 
the past year the total annual value of Pan-American commerce 
has passed the billion mark, having been about seven hundred 
millions before the war began ; but I have not time. Nor have I 
time to tell you of the marvellous progress of nations like Brazil, 
Argentina, Peru, Uruguay, Colombia, Cuba, Bolivia, Chile, 
Venezuela, and of Central America. I would like to take you 
up the Amazon, with its thousands of miles of navigable waters ; 
to tell you of Rio Janeiro, the capital of Brazil ; and of Buenos 
Ayres, the capital of Argentina, with its million and eight hun- 
dred thousand of population, competing in that respect with 
Philadelphia as the third city of the Western hemisphere; I 
would like to tell you of Argentina as a nation which has con- 
ducted a greater foreign trade than that of Japan or China; I 
would like to tell you of Brazil — in which you could put the 



Addresses, 1916. 331 

whole connected area of the United States — which is just begin- 
ning to feel the impulse of a splendid new life, one that is going 
to surprise the world. 

But I have not time to go over these details, for I have a 
more serious message to bring to you. I really would feel as 
if I had been unfair to you if I did not tell you something of 
my observations abroad. It was my good fortune to see much 
of the battle front in France. It was also my privilege to meet 
many great English and French statesmen and soldiers. I went 
over there for a special reason. We in the Pan-American Union 
realize that the war is going to have a mighty effect upon Pan- 
American relations; and I went there to get the British and 
French viewpoints of the effect of the war upon the future of 
the Latin-American Republics and their relations to the United 
States commercially and politically. It was my good fortune, 
contrary to my expectations, to be invited by the British and 
French officials to visit their battle fronts and see with my own 
eyes the marvelous and astounding organization which those 
countries and those armies have developed upon their mighty 
firing line. If time had permitted me I would have gone to 
Germany and to Austria. In referring to these nations, I speak 
without prejudice in favor of one side or the other; I have no 
comment to make upon the political issues at stake ; and doubt- 
less if I had visited the German and the Austrian lines I would 
have seen just as much to commend and as much to comment 
upon as I saw in England and in France. If I were an orator 
like other speakers here to-night and had the time, I would try 
to tell you eloquently instead of simply what it was my privilege 
to learn and see of what nations and peoples can do under the 
stress of a mighty emergency. 

Gentlemen, we have no conception of it in this country. At 
the risk of possible criticism, I want to say to you that the most 
extreme arguments we have heard in this country for prepared- 
ness give no conception of what preparedness really means in a 
great international war. No man in this country stands more 
firmly for peace than I do ; I am the executive officer of the 
greatest and most powerful official peace organization in the 



33^ New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

world, and I believe that the most effective way of promoting 
peace is by friendship, by commerce and by mutual acquaintance. 
And that is what the Pan-American Union has been doing. But 
nations, like men, are human, because nations are made up of 
men ; and if they will go to war the question is one of prepared- 
ness. I saw, in England and in France, after over two years 
of fearful stress and strife, at last an organization that was all- 
powerful. From the moment when I arrived at Liverpool until 
the day when I left Bordeaux, to come back to this country, I 
found everybody, from the King of England and the Prime 
Minister of France down to the humblest laborer in the street, 
the cab-driver or mere workman in manufacturing plants, the 
chambermaids in the hotels, the girls in the shops and the boys 
selling newspapers, impelled by the one thought, that of helping 
their country in its hour of terrible trial. The great nations 
were a united force. Then back of it came the individual in- 
stances which met you on every hand. For example, at a hotel 
at which I was stopping, when I had left my window open only 
a little to allow fresh air to come in and I had not pulled the 
curtain over it, the chambermaid came in and lectured me as if 
I was a child, because I had neglected to observe a rule for the 
"Defence of the Realm," which required that the window should 
be shrouded after dark lest the Zeppelins should get some light. 
One night, as I was hurrying in a drive to call upon a distinguish- 
ed official, I upbraided the cabman because he did not drive faster, 
whereupon he stopped, opened the cab door, and said, "Sir, you 
are an enemy of England, because the rules of the realm say I 
shall not go faster." One night, when hungry, I went into what 
they call a common "pub" or saloon, and there saw a man bring- 
ing in two girls tO' treat them ; whereupon the woman host threat- 
ened to slap his face, and said, "You know the rules for the 
defense of the realm are that nobody can treat anybody. Those 
girls must pay for what they get." Think of that in England, 
which has always had her whisky and soda! They cannot be 
treated to a drink at all ! In France every countrywoman is 
working as faithfully as the average servants would for the 
cause. The old men of France, too old to fight, are doing 



Addresses, 191 6. 333 

service as valiantly as those at the front. Everywhere there is 
only one thought, and that is the success of the cause. 

In England, David Lloyd George is, in my opinion, one of 
the master minds of a hundred years. Just as we raised up a 
Washington and a Lincoln, I believe that Great Britain has 
raised up a Lloyd George. I have known him personally for 
sixteen years, and have watched his evolution to his present 
position. A hundred years from now the whole world is going 
to tell about Lloyd George in England as today we tell the 
story of Abraham Lincoln in the United States. In France 
there is Aristide Briand, the Prime Minister. I remember when 
Briand was a leading so-called independent, when he was parad- 
ing the streets of Paris criticising the Government and issuing a 
rabid anti-government paper. To-day he is the most conserva- 
tive man in all France, and is striving for a new France that is 
to be born out of this war. In Germany and in Austria the 
same kind of men are coming to the front as in England and 
France. 

I lay stress upon these facts because I want to impress upon 
you that, when this war is over, the United States is not only 
going to meet the greatest commercial and material competi- 
tion that ever w^as known in the world, but it is going to meet 
a competition in brains, in statesmanship, in moral leadership, 
which it never has encountered in a hundred years. The most 
marvelous effect of the European war upon men and women is 
seen in France. The women of France are being re-born. They 
are entering upon all kinds of occupations and responsibilities 
of which they had never thought before. 

We talk about the evils of war, but do you know that the 
"Tommies" in the British trenches or the "Poilus" on the 
French front are not, by this war, being made brutes, but they 
are being made newborn citizens with a greater sense of respon- 
sibility than they ever knew before. Every war correspondent 
— Irving Cobb, Will Irwin and the rest — will tell you, after 
talking with countless numbers of British "Tommies" and 
French "Poilus," will prophesy a new life for England and 
France as a result of the new viewpoint that has come to the 
rank and file of the armies in this war. 



334 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

When in Akron, Ohio, I saw immense quantities of dirty- 
raw rubber being utihzed in the production of those marvelous 
and beautiful automobile tires. Now, it is a fact, though we 
may not have realized it, that in England and France the de- 
mands made by the war have compelled the authorities to go 
down to the very dregs of their populations to get men. On 
one occasion I saw three hundred recruits who were the most 
forbidding lot of soldiers I ever saw. Hollow chests, bent backs 
and weak knees predominated among them. Later, after they 
had undergone intensive camp training for fourteen weeks, I 
saw the same kind of men standing erect or marching as finely 
as our drilled cadets at West Point and Annapolis; and they 
were all eager for their responsibilities, A like result may be 
seen in Austria and Germany. England and France have to-day 
millions of such men on the firing line — men of a new element, 
physically well developed and mentally with new conceptions of 
life. And when they come back from the war, they are going 
to have a voice in public affairs and an influence never before 
dreamed of. 

Another extraordinary development is to be seen in indus- 
trial enterprises in England and France. I visited numerous 
manufacturing plants there, and was told by the managers that, 
in the two years since the war began, the efficiency in produc- 
tion at those plants had increased sixty per cent. Why was this? 
It was because the employes were devoting their energies, their 
mental and physical faculties, to the defense of the realm. 
Women, girls, old men and youths were being taught skilled 
work of every description. Now, if we think that England, 
France, Germany and Austria are going to be crippled and 
unable to withstand international competition when this war is 
over, we labor under a grave misapprehension. On the other 
hand, I am one of those who believe that, while we may maintain 
our position, we are going to compete with nations that will 
give us the greatest struggle we have ever known for the devel- 
opment and control of our foreign trade, whether it be in South 
America or in Europe. And the business men of Philadelphia 
must take this into consideration in facing the portentous possi- 
bilities of the future. 



Addresses, 1916. 335 

Mr. Barrett here detailed scenes and incidents of his visits to 
the French firing line in the early part of October, before the 
great advance was made. He said that every man he met in the 
trenches seemed conscious of his duty and desirous to accjuit 
himself of his responsibility. When at Verdun he met the new 
generalissimo, Neville. By way of giving an idea of what is 
meant by carrying on a great war, Mr. Barrett described the 
appearance of portions of the Anglo-French battle fronts of two 
hundred and fifty miles in length and about fifteen in width, as 
also the adjacent country along whose main and cross roads 
there was a continuous stream of traffic, and which were crowded 
with automobiles, horses, mules and war supplies. On the 
battle fields, as far as his eye could reach, there were thousands 
of men going to or returning from the front, hospital units 
being located and military roads being built. He said he was 
told by a French general that it had taken two long years to 
reach the present degree of preparedness. This, Mr. Barrett 
said, led him to think of our Mexican border trouble and our 
paltry one hundred thousand men there, and he realized that 
the American's wildest dream of ultra preparedness for war is 
as nothing in comparison with the armies that the English and 
French have gathered to face the Germans. 

Referring to his two months' stay in London and Paris, he 
said he had been impressed by the spirit of self-sacrifice which 
characterized the people, from the highest to the lowest, and 
their incomparable devotion to the national cause. Upon return- 
ing to America, he said, he spent a night in New York City, 
and, in witnessing its unbridled luxury, its crowded stores and 
the lavish expenditures of its well-dressed populace, he could 
not refrain from contrasting what he saw there with existing 
conditions abroad. He believed the same thing to be true of 
other American cities; and he had reflected whether the great 
war, with its chastening influence, would not demand of our 
country a degree of preparedness of which it had never dreamed. 
He therefore appealed to his hearers that in the days to come they 
should work together in making our land respected throughout 
the world, not only because of our material and military prepared- 



336 New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

ness, but because of our moral and intellectual preparedness as 
citizens of the greatest land under the sun. (Applause.) 

The Toastmaster : We have been favored by Mr. Barrett 
with what I regard as one of the most powerful sermons I ever 
heard — a message that, I know, we will all take home to our 
hearts. 

Gentlemen, it is unfortunate for us that the Chancellor of 
New Jersey, Hon. Edwin Robert Walker, who has made a con- 
tribution to the literature of this occasion, is unable to be with 
us to-night ; but we may find some compensation for this in the 
fact that he has delegated one of the prominent men of New 
Jersey, a delightful gentleman and a former capable Attorney 
General, to represent him. I have the great pleasure of intro- 
ducing to you Mr. Nelson B. Gaskill, 

When the furore of applause which greeted him had sub- 
sided, Mr. Gaskill said: 

Gentlemen, the Chancellor will appreciate your applause, 
and he now thanks you for it vicariously. The address which 
the Chancellor had prepared for delivery to you to-night deals 
with "The Old Barracks at Trenton" — a building which some 
of you saw on the occasion of a visit to that city in the spring of 
last year. His memorandum, which I will now read, is as fol- 
lows: 

"Mr. President and members of the Society: For a time 
preceding the year 1757, the war cry of the allies of France was 
heard upon the then frontier of our country, in parts now acces- 
sible in a few hours by our modern methods of transportation 
but then remote. 

"Born of their fears, the desire of the colonists of New Jer- 
sey that suitable protection be afforded against the expected 
incursions of the savage Indians found expression in petitions 
to the Legislature for the erection of barracks, in which to house 
the troops of Great Britain and of the Colony mobilized for de- 
fensive purposes, and at the same time to ease the burden of 
supporting soldiers quartered in the houses of the inhabitants. 



Addresses, 191 6. 337 

In compliance with the prayers of the petitions, the Legisla- 
ture made an appropriation for the erection of the barracks at 
Trenton, among others, and those stand to-day, the only one 
of five defensive fortresses built in New Jersey in 1 757-1 758. 

"Prior to the War of the Revolution, this building was occu- 
pied not only by the colonial militia, but also by English and 
Scotch troops; the peculiar dress of the Highlanders, we are 
told, creating much interest among the people of the town of 
Trenton. Throughout the period of colonial development, the 
English, Dutch, Irish, Scotch and other settlers become evolved 
into a homogeneous family; and, raising a high standard of 
liberal government for themselves, they naturally chafed under 
the yoke with which England oppressed them. It came to pass 
that the two forces of monarchial and republican government 
could not peaceably occupy this land together, and the irrepres- 
sible conflict for absolute independence inevitably followed. 
With that success history is replete, and to that success we owe 
the liberty which we enjoy to-day. 

"In a humble way it may be said that the barracks at Trenton 
bear something of the same relation to that city as does the 
Tower of London to the historic city of that name. So great was 
the fear of invasion and massacre by the French and Indians 
that the building was erected in the space of ten months, being 
completed in March, 1758. To build the Tower of London 
levies were made upon the various counties of England by Wil- 
liam of Normandy. In order to erect the barracks at Trenton 
and its kindred structures within the short space of time to 
which I have alluded, draft must have been made upon the 
various communities of the colony of New Jersey for the artisans 
and builders. 

"We cannot boast that that stronghold has never fallen into 
the hands of a foreign foe, as England proudly boasts of her 
Tower of London, but w^e may with pride allude to the fact that 
within those walls no such frightful scenes of blood and carnage 
have been enacted as in that gloomy fortress on the banks of 
the River Thames. 

22 



338 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

"Lord Macauley, in his History of England, waxes pa- 
thetically eloquent in his description of the little cemetery within 
the walls of the Tower, and says: 'In truth, there is no 
sadder spot on the earth than that little cemetery. Death is 
there associated, not, as in Westminster Abbey and St. Paul's, 
with genius and with virtue, with public veneration and imper- 
ishable renown; not as in the humblest churches and church- 
yards, with everything that is most endearing in social and 
domestic charities ; but with whatever is darkest in human nature 
and in human destiny, with the savage triumph of implacable 
enemies, with the inconstancy, the ingratitude, the cowardice 
of friends, with all the miseries of fallen greatness and of blighted 
fame.' 

"With us, quite differently, those bloodless barracks are 
associated with hallowed memories of the Revolution, the war 
which resulted in the independence of the United States. The 
grim waUs of that stronghold, on the morning of December 26, 
1776, witnessed the assault upon the mercenary Hessian soldiers 
in the service of England, which resulted in such a signal victory 
for the cause of liberty without the loss of a single patriot soldier, 
while the loss in dead and wounded on the side of the enemy 
was over one hundred. 

"They saw the columns of Washington and Sullivan march 
upon the town in the gray dawn of that memorable day; they 
saw the great commander in front, on the Pennington road, 
come up to a man who was chopping wood, and heard him 
inquire which way was the Hessian picket. They heard the 
man's surly reply: 'I don't know,' They heard Captain For- 
rest, of the Artillery, say to the man, 'You may tell, for this is 
General Washington.' They saw the aspect of the man change 
in an instant; they saw him raise his hands to heaven and say: 
'God bless and prosper you ! — the picket is in that house, and 
the sentry stands near that tree.' 

"They saw the impetuous assault and heard the cannons 
reverberate through the streets and lanes ; they saw the surren- 
der, and later they housed and protected the army of their coun- 
try in the place of the foreign foe which it had dislodged. 



Addresses, 19 i6. 339 

"The people of Trenton, on that morning, witnessed the 
battle, which has been truly said to have been the turning point 
of the Revolutionary struggle. Speaking of that battle, Lord 
George Germain, the colonial secretary of the King of England, 
expressed the opinion of the government and people of Britain 
when he said that all their hopes were blasted by the affair at 
Trenton. 

"Napoleon, after the battle of Austerlitz, addressed his sol- 
diers and said, that no matter where they went or what they did 
thereafter, they had only to say that they fought at Austerlitz 
for the people to exclaim that they were brave men. I would 
rank participation in the affair at Trenton as of more enduring 
fame than to have fought with Napoleon in any of his battles. 
Our cause was so just, our resources so few, the odds against 
us so tremendous, and the chances of success so slender, with 
nearly if not quite half the people at home disaffected and many 
of them united with our foreign foes against us, that he who 
took up arms against that sea of trouble was brave beyond the 
power of words to tell. 

"The whole story of the Revolutionary War was succinctly 
told, a few years ago, in the speech of a superlative orator — now 
no more — who said : 'We follow the patriot's bleeding feet from 
Lexington to Valley Forge and from that midnight of despair 
to Yorktown's cloudless day.' 

"In vain would have been all the sacrifice, all the hardship, 
all the struggle, all the war that devastated this fair land and 
saturated its sod with the blood of heroes and of martyrs, had 
not our statesmen, the leaders of thought, the molders of gov- 
ernment, written into constitutions and statutes with their pens 
what our soldiers upon the land and our sailors upon the sea 
had wrested from despotism by their valor and the prowess of 
their arms, 

"As long as the Constitution of the United States shall en- 
dure, that long will liberty, civil and religious, the birthright and 
heritage of all free people, be vouchsafed to us and our descend- 
ants. Speaking of constitutions, it may be that you all do not 
know that New Jersey was a free and independent State two 



340 New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

days before the birth of the Union by the adoption of the Decla- 
ration of Independence by the Continental Congress here in 
Philadelphia; and to those of you who are unacquainted with 
the fact, let me say that it is the pride of New Jersey that on July 
2, 1776, the Legislature of that State, then called the Provincial 
Congress of New Jersey, assembled in Burlington, adopted the 
constitution under which that commonwealth was governed, 
until that instrument was amended in 1844 and modeled after 
the Constitution of the United States adopted in the year 1789. 

"In that notable State paper, the first constitution of New 
Jersey, the representatives of that people said: 'Whereas, all 
the constitutional authority ever possessed by the Kings of 
Great Britain over these colonies or their other dominions was, 
by compact, derived from the people, and held of them for the 
common interest of the whole society. Allegiance and protec- 
tion are, in the nature of things, reciprocal ties, each equally 
depending upon the other, and liable to be dissolved by the 
other's being refused or withdrawn. And whereas, George The 
Third, King of Great Britain, has refused protection to the 
good people of these colonies ; and, by assenting to sundry acts 
of the British Parliament, attempted to subject them to the 
absolute dominion of that body; and has also made war upon 
them in the most cruel and unnatural manner for no other 
cause than asserting their just rights; all civil authority under 
him is necessarily at an end, and a dissolution of government 
in each colony has consequently taken place. 

'* 'And whereas, in the present deplorable situation of these 
colonies, exposed to the fury of a cruel and relentless enemy, 
some form of government is absolutely necessary not only for 
the preservation of good order, but also the more effectually to 
unite the people and enable them to exert their whole force in 
their own necessary defence; and as the honorable, the Conti- 
nental Congress, the supreme council of the American colonies, 
has advised such of the colonies as have not yet gone into the 
measure to adopt for themselves respectively such government as 
shall best conduce to their own happiness and safety and the well- 
being of America in general; we, the representatives of the col- 



Addre;sses, 19 1 6. 341 

ony of New Jersey, having been elected by all the counties in the 
freest manner, and in congress assembled, have, after mature de- 
liberation, agreed upon a set of charter rights and the form of a 
constitution in the manner following, that is to say.' 

"Then follows that superstructure of our free government in 
New Jersey, which, in its essential features, is embodied in the 
amended constitution under which Jerseymen live and flourish 
to this day. 

"When those old barracks were about to be sold a few years 
ago, the women of Trenton and elsewhere throughout the State 
resolved that they should not pass into commercial hands and 
become obliterated, but should be preserved in their historic orig- 
inality. For their having thus rescued them from ultimate 
demolition and spoliation those women are entitled tO' enduring 
praise. 

"The project oi the Bunker Hill monument, I am told, lagged 
for years, and its completion finally resulted from the patriotic 
efforts of the women of New England. The women of the Old 
Barracks Association are worthy descendants of their grand- 
dames of the Revolution. It is not inappropriate for me to pay 
some tribute to the women of that period. 

"Comparatively little has been written about the heroism and 
self-sacrifice of the women of 1776. History does not do them 
justice. It does not show us the important part borne by women 
in laying the foundations upon which stands the majestic fabric 
of our government. In the Nezi^ Jersey Gazette of October 11, 
1780, we find this : 'No mean merit will accrue to him who shall 
justly celebrate the virtues of our ladies! Shall not their gen- 
erous contributions to relieve the wants of the defenders of our 
country supply a column to emulate the Roman women stripped 
of their jewels when the public necessity demanded them.' 

"The women of the Revolution visited the hospitals daily, 
sought the dungeons of the provost marshal and the crowded 
holds of prison ships, carried provisions to the captives ; their 
only means of recompense being the blessings of those who were 
ready to perish. They raised grain, gathered it, made bread, and 
carried it to the army or to prisons, accompanying the supply 



342 New Jersey Society of Pennsylvania. 

with exhortations to the men never tO' abandon the cause of their 
country. The burial of those slain in battle often devolved upon 
them, and sometimes enemies would not have received sepulture 
without the service of their hands. Many of the young women 
of the day went so far as not to receive the addresses of any suit- 
ors who had not obeyed the call to arms. 

"By the zealous exertions and willing sacrifice of those 
women, not only was the pressure of want removed, but the sym- 
pathy and favor of the fair daughters of America, says one of 
the journals, 'operated like a charm on the soldier's heart, gave 
vigor to exertions, confidence to his hopes of success, and the cer- 
tainty of ultimate victory and peace.' General Washington, in a 
letter of acknowledgment tO' a committee of ladies, said : 'The 
army ought not to regret its sacrifices or its sufferings when they 
meet with so flattering a reward as in the sympathy of your sex ; 
nor can it fear that its interest will be neglected when espoused 
by advocates as powerful as they are amiable.' Neither the 
alarms of war nor the roar of strife could silence the voice of 
women lifted in encouragement and in prayer. The horrors of 
battle or massacre could not drive her from the post of duty. 

"As the Revolutionary struggle recedes into the dim vista of 
the past, it is regarded with increasing interest and greater ven- 
eration by those who enjoy its results. The truth is abundantly 
evidenced by the numerous patriotic societies which have been 
formed by and among the descendants of the brave, heroic hosts 
that shared the disasters and successes of that sacred war. 

"If in the calm that succeeded the storm — if during the 
period that followed the struggle^ — the supporters and defenders 
of our country, weary of the conflict, turned their hearts and 
minds tO' other things and permitted the ravages of time to oblit- 
erate many an object of historic interest, we, their descendants, 
atone for their sins of omission, and, fired with an unalterable 
zeal, are resolved that every remaining relic shall be preserved — 
a sacred altar at whose shrine we may worship. 

"In this spirit the Old Barracks at Trenton are being gener- 
ously restored by the State of New Jersey, that they may be pre- 
served for all time and for all people — a link connecting our mar- 



Addresses, 191 6. 343 

tial past with our peaceful present, and with a future as peaceful 
and as prosperous as the present. That is our hope, our prayer." 
( Long-continued applause. ) 

The Toastmaster : The Chair announces the receipt of two 
telegrams. He will now read them. One is from Hon. J. 
Hampton Moore, or ''Hampy," as we all love to call him. No 
meetings of the New Jersey Society have been more successful 
than those at which he was present. His telegram, dated at 
Washington, is as follows : 

"Am unable to be with you in person, but am with you 
in spirit. Heartiest greetings and best wishes for the New 
Jersey Society in Pennsylvania." 

The other telegram is from ex- President Hires, and reads as 
follows : 

"While not permitted to be with you to-night in body, I 
am with you in spirit. May all that was good, great and 
noble in our forefathers fill each member to-night with am- 
bition to bring honor tO' our native State. And wishing the 
kindly spirit of this Christmas time may visit every one of 
you with joy and peace, ushering in a new year of the great- 
est prosperity for you all. 

Charees E. Hires.'' 

The Toastmaster: The next name on the program of 
speakers is the name of Hon. Walter E. Edge, Governor-elect of 
New Jersey. When the name of Governor Edge was placed on 
the program your committee was aware of his intended visit to 
the South; but the Governor had promised that, if he was able 
to return in time, he would join us and that, in the event of his 
failure to be here to-night, he would be with us next year. 

The next speaker whom I have the pleasure of introducing to 
you, but who needs no introduction, is a man who has dedicated 
himself to the service of God and humanity. I have very great 
pleasure in calling upon the Reverend Floyd W, Tomkins. 



344 Nkw Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

Dr. Tomkins was cordially greeted. He spoke with charac- 
teristic humor and spirit, amid tumults of merriment and ap- 
plause, as follows : 

Gentlemen who have emigrated from New Jersey to Pennsyl- 
vania : It is a great pleasure to me to look into your faces. I 
wish that I had something I could say to bring me into close 
association with you, as being myself a native of New Jersey. 
Alas, I was bom in New York. 

But I lived a greater part of my early life in New Jersey. 
My father and grandfather rest in a cemetery on one of the beau- 
tiful hills of that dear old State. My grandfather was a sea cap- 
tain in those days when American merchant vessels went all over 
the world, from port to port ; and on the monument which stands 
over his grave are these words : "Sailor, there is hope for thee." 

I feel that New Jersey has done a great deal for me. As a 
boy, although I went to school in New York, and when going up 
and down in the trains drew in the invigorating Jersey air, I 
used to work in the fields in the summer time. I realize now 
more than I realized then the blessedness of agriculture. On 
your shield rest three plows, because New Jersey has, and has 
had for many years, a splendid body of farmers. I earned my 
first money, as a boy, planting corn; and altogether I have the 
dearest and happiest memories of the State which I still always 
love to pass through — when going to New York. 

There is something about New Jersey which is to me very 
attractive. As a minister, I naturally think of the State as being 
for many years the centre of the Dutch Reformed Church. I 
remember well in my boyhood going to various churches of that 
denomination. The Dutch Reformed Seminary in New Bruns- 
wick has sent out many splendid ministers of the Gospel ; and 
this is only significant of the way in which New Jersey has always 
stood for the principles of honor, righteousness and truth. This 
is no flattery, but merely the statement of a fact. It is in the 
men who' have been born there and who left their State to find 
a new home that we find the splendid character, needed in their 
newly chosen locality — a character which recognizes God as the 
Supreme Ruler not only of the universe, but of the world, of the 



Addresses, 191 6. 345 

United States and of New Jersey, It shows that, after all, re- 
ligion is not a transient thing put on with a Sunday coat, hut a 
power which has tO' do with every day life. There were difficul- 
ties, to be sure. I remember, as a boy, going to Sunday School 
and being catechized by a man who knew little more than myself. 
He asked me the question, "For what end were you made?" I 
was not up in theology then as well as I am now, and I only had 
heard of one end of things, so I answered, "I was made for the 
end of the world." After all, it was not a child's mistake mere- 
ly, for are we not, after all, made for the end of the world? 
And does not that give us a suggestion of the character of New 
Jersey people, who are looking ahead and being prepared for 
whatever may come? In connection with that, I was impressed 
as a boy, and I have been impressed since, with the fact that the 
questions of religion and life never seem to perplex the New Jer- 
sey people. They were puzzled sometimes, but, as we have just 
heard in that admirable paper from the Chancellor, on the Bar- 
racks at Trenton, there always seemed to be some way out. You 
know, there are always some problems in life not easily solved 
and meeting with apparent disaster, and yet an escape can some- 
where be found. A New Jersey man told me, the other day, a 
story of a Bishop whom he located in Virginia. This Bishop was 
very fond of mince pies, and he visited a lady in Virginia who 
was exceedingly skillful in concocting this toothsome and timely 
article of food. He ate one piece of pie, then received another 
piece and finally came back for a third portion, and so he con- 
tinued until he had eaten up the whole pie. The result was that 
he was taken terribly ill that night and was groaning and rolling 
about in a wild manner. His host came to him and cried, "What 
is the matter with you, Bishop?" "Oh," said the Bishop, "I 
am so sick, I think I am going to die." "Well," said his host, 
"you are Bishop — surely you are not afraid to^ die?" "Afraid 
to die ?" came the answer ; "no, but I am ashamed to die." To- 
night I wonder what it was that, in spite of the "Jersey light- 
ning" which used to be so common, compelled the inhabitants of 
New Jersey to live so- simply, with New York on one side and 
Pennsylvania on the other. Yet they always saw the right and 
adhered to it, and were not afraid of anything, even death. 



346 Nkvv Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

In New Jersey there is that fellowship which is the centre and 
power of citizenship. I remember in my boyhood being in New 
York and hearing ministers preaching against each other. I do 
not remember ever hearing one minister preach against another 
in New Jersey. Although they did not agree in their theology, 
for there were Armenians and Calvinists among them and many 
different denominations, yet there was a unity of spirit which was 
most praiseworthy. There was an illustration of it in my own 
experience, if you will pardon the personal allusion. My father 
started a Union Sunday School in which there were members of 
no less than five denominations. My father was an Episcopalian, 
one of my teachers was a Presbyterian, afterwards I graduated 
and was taught by a Baptist ; we used to have a good Methodist 
come and speak to us; and from time to time the good Dutch 
Reformed pastor made his visitation. Altogether we were very 
happy in that glorious unity which we are just beginning to 
realize is the necessity of Church and State as well as of nations. 
In New Jersey, not only in religion but in common life, there was 
that fellowship which binds men together and makes them know 
that they have a common heritage. It is a poor thing when men 
are separated, even though they may differ in their theology. It 
is a poor thing when a man cannot look into his brother's eyes 
and believe in him and trust him. We want throughout these 
United States more and more, between the East and West, be- 
tween the North and South, between States bordering upon one 
another, and above all else, in our municipalities and in our com- 
monwealths, that fellowship which will make men work together 
and strive for a common cause. A story was told me years ago 
of an Irishman who was dying. They came to him and said, 
"We want to know what we can dO' for you ?" He replied that he 
could die easy if he had a little music. Then they brought 'the 
village band before the door. You know what kind of music 
that is, with every man playing on his own hook and every in- 
strument out of tune. When the band had played several tunes, 
they said, "Pat, can you die easy now?" "Oh, yes," said Pat, 
"I'll die easy now; I'll hear nothing in hell worse than that." 
This did not occur in New Jersey, because New Jersey never had 
such a spirit of disunity. 



Addresses, 191 6. 347 

New Jersey has always stood up strongly for moral princi- 
ples. You have heard of "Jersey lightning." It is said that in 
New Jersey whiskey was made out of corn. Doubtless there was 
"Moonshine" made in the early days, and yet in spite of that, 
there has been and there is to-day in that State a strong moral 
conception of right. You know what Jersey justice is. You 
know that they do not fool very long over a man who has com- 
mitted a crime when his guilt is clear, but carry him straight 
through to the judgment that is necessary, in order that he may 
be reformed and society protected. 

New Jersey, too, is noted for morality. It was not in New 
Jersey that this occurrence took place. An Episcopalian minis- 
ter was about beginning morning service, on the Sabbath, when 
a man came to him and said: "I want to be married." The 
minister said, "I can't marry you now, I am just beginning morn- 
ing service." The man persisted in being married, and the min- 
ister finally said, "I can marry you after the Second Lesson." 
The service proceeded and, after the minister had announced, 
"Here endeth the Second Lesson," he added, "If there are any 
persons present who want to be united in the holy bonds of matri- 
mony they will come forward." One man and seventeen women 
came forward. 

There are at times perplexities in carrying out the wise pro- 
visions of moral life. In spite of those perplexities, New Jersey 
has triumphed. How well she has recognized the work of women 
and their rights ! Women are assuming the rule to-day, and we 
might as well accommodate ourselves tO' the fact. Not very long 
before the present war, a man at a public dinner in England was 
asked to give a toast, and he proposed the following: "Woman, 
•the Power Behind the Throne — ^God Save the King." 

New Jersey has always held out the friendly hand to woman 
and has recognized her power. Her work on the Boards of Edu- 
cation, on Committees for Homes and Hospitals and Orphanages 
has been supreme; and in her home she has been called the 
"Queen," and rightly, for there she rules. Woman makes the 
home, she is the very centre of its life and power. Whatever is 
done to break up the home or injure it is fraught with great dan- 



348 New Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

ger to society. It rests largely with the women to protect the 
home. 

My friend, Mr. Barrett, has spoken of the danger that con- 
fronts America to-day because of our pleasure-loving habits and 
our accumulation of money. I am not a wild optimist, but I 
must confess, while I do not wish to disagree with my honored 
friend, that I cannot share in his somewhat pessimistic view. 
You must remember that the United States provided the Allies 
with the munitions O'f war, without which they could not have 
contended successfully. If money came from making munitions, 
it was loaned freely both to England and Russia. When we re- 
member that we have given millions of money — not all we could 
have given, indeed, but we are still giving it — when we remem- 
ber that we are giving doctors and nurses freely and generously, 
it seems to- me that the dear people of the United States are not 
worshipping money, but that we have within us that magnificent 
idea of national life which, after all, is going to be the best 
preparation for war if it ever should come, and will help estab- 
lish those conditions which shall make war impossible. Thank 
God for this American spirit! Thank God that we have had 
strength enough to stand firmly — not as neutral, for no- man can 
be neutral, since he must have an opinion — thank God we have 
had the spirit to stand firmly, to express our opinions firmly in 
behalf of the right, to refuse to enter, in a hot-headed fashion, 
into a controversy with which we have nothing to do, to hold to 
the spirit of righteousness, and tO' do our duty whenever the op- 
portunity comes ! Dear old America, the greatest country on the 
face of the earth ! 

Of course we must see our faults, and we must recognize those 
faults humbly. We must realize that he is the strongest man 
who is most conscious of his own weakness. But, on the other 
hand, we must thank God that, in spite of the difficulties with 
which this country has been confronted ; in spite of the trials we 
have, from within and without ; in spite of the temptations heaped 
upon us because of the overwhelming prosperity of this land, out 
of whose hills we may dig silver and gold and copper, and whose 
granaries have been filled to overflowing, so that we could sup- 



Addresses, 191 6. 349 

ply the needs of the whole earth — that in spite of all this, our 
country holds to the principles of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence and the Constitution, and still lifts the Stars and Stripes, 
our banner of truth and honor and righteous principles. And 
never will she lower her ideals ! 

May I say one word more, and that is as to the wonderful 
way in which New Jersey has always been a sort of keystone to 
bind us together and make us realize that we are in unity with 
God and man. I love to think of the way New Jersey has 
stretched out her hand to New York, the City of Finance, and 
has stretched out her hand to Philadelphia, with her unparalleled 
manufacturing establishments, and has held them together by the 
earnestness and devotion with which she has recognized fellow- 
ship and partnership in the one great thing which, after all, lies 
at the foundation of all life, of all communities and common- 
wealths and nations; namely, reverence for God, love for man, 
earnestness and zeal in life. (Long-continued enthusiasm.) 

The Toastmaster : Gentlemen, on the editorial page of the 
Evening Ledger there is a column next tO' the editorials, called 
"Tom Daly's column." I have no doubt that some of us read 
that column before we read the rest of the editorial page. I have 
very great pleasure in introducing to you Mr. Thomas Daly, the 
editor of that interesting column. 

Mr. Daly's humor kept the tables in a roar, and his interest- 
ing talk was highly appreciated. After the usual complimentary 
greeting he humorously referred to one of Dr. Tomkins' witty 
stories, as follows : 

Mr. Toastmaster, gentlemen: I dislike to interject a dis- 
cordant note here to-night, but I must say that I greatly fear we 
will not have the unity and brotherhood so much desired in this 
country until our eloquent Protestant ministers quit consigning 
us to perdition even with a band of music. 

Mr. Daly here told several amusing stories. The first was 
about two Irishmen in the European War, who had been wound- 



350 Ne;w Jersey Society oe Pennsylvania. 

ed while fighting in Flanders and were being removed to a hos- 
pital, when one said to the other, "Well, Mike, this is a hell of a 
war." "Yes," said Mike, "but it's better than no war at all." 
Some years ago, Mr. Daly said, when he thought he was writing 
something funny, he had made a Jersey commuter say to another 
commuter, "Your friend has built a house down your way, in 
Swamp Town." "Yes," the other fellow replied, "a cottage — 
he calls it Queen-Ann. Don't it make you sick to think of the 
name some people have for Quinine." In connection with this, 
Mr. Daly spoke of his own impaired health, and said that, being 
a sufferer from grippe, he knew what quinine tasted like. He 
continued : My condition reminds me of that of the old negro 
who went into^ Mobile one Saturday night to get drunk, and suc- 
ceeded. He started home, but was overcome on the way by 
sleep, and on Sunday morning was lying by the roadside with his 
mouth wide open and his tongue sticking out. A farmer who 
was passing by happened to have a couple of large horse capsules 
of quinine, and, as a joke, placed one of them on the negro's 
tongue, and then hid in the bushes. The poor old fellow wak- 
ened up, grabbed his hat and started off, when the man in the 
bushes shouted, "Where are you going — what's the matter?" 
"Never mind whar I'm gwine," said the colored man; "what's 
the matter with me? — I know what's the matter with me — my 
gall has gone busted." Now, gentlemen, don't think that my 
condition is so bad that my "gall" is "busted" ; I am still able to 
say a few words. I have come here to-night to speak tO' you 
about making light in and of New Jersey. In the early 6o's a 
young bricklayer from Maryland, at work in Atlantic City, was 
building the Barnegat Light — a good job of work, and one he 
was proud of to the day of his death. That young man was my 
father — God bless him. While working on this lighthouse, his 
attention was attracted to the curious gestures made by people 
when coming across the marsh, which gestures were caused by 
a small insect — now happily extinct, as the hotel keepers tell us — 
whose fauna or whatever it may be called is preserved at Tren- 
ton. Well, father built the Light, and his youngest son began 
very early in life to make light of the whole State. 



Addre;sseSj 1916. 351 

Mr. Daly then said that, in the early 90's, when he was run- 
ning what he called a silly little column in the Philadelphia 
Record, he manufactured some of the saddest jokes ever per- 
petrated at the expense of New Jersey. He said it seemed to be 
the fate of that State to^ be made capital of by the humorist, but 
that this never made New Jersey any poorer. He cited a joke 
about the Ford automobiles going- through the State, on the way 
to New York, without stopping, because of some unkind things 
that had been said about the State by the builder. He continued : 

Washington Irving, too, had his fling at New Jersey, al- 
though most of his sarcasm was vented on Pennsylvania, in the 
matter of the bridge across the Delaware, as quite properly he 
blamed Pennsylvania for neglecting that enterprise. But I want 
to call your attention to a humorist of whom probably you never 
have heard, whO' has written a few interesting things about New 
Jersey. I refer tO' Dr. Alexander Hamilton. In the year 1774 
he set out from his home down in Annapolis, in the Province of 
Maryland, to go to Boston ; and on his way passed through New 
Jersey. The itinerary of that journey was presented to an Ital- 
ian nobleman, who took it toi Italy, where it was lost for some 
one hundred and fifty years. It has never been made public. It 
was my privilege to compile from it a few little extracts on New 
Jersey. I hope they will not bore you, and with your indulgence 
I quote them, as follows : 

"In July, 1774, I took a horse about five in the afternoon, 
crossed the ferry of Delaware about seven o'clock, and, a 
little later, arrived at Trenton, East Jersey. I put up at one 
Elijah Bond's, at the sign of the Wheat Sheaf. Two gen- 
tlemen of the town came there and invited me into their com- 
pany. One was named Cadwallis" (evidently a mistake, 
and intended for Dr. David Cadwallader, afterwards a Trus- 
tee of the University of Pennsylvania) — "a doctor in the 
place, and, as I understood, a, fallen off Quaker. He gave 
me the character of the constitution and government. The 
House of Assembly, he told me, was chiefly composed of 
mechanics and ignorant wretches, obstinate to the last de- 
cree. " 



352 New Jersey Society of Pennsyevania. 

How human they were in those days ! 

"He said there were a number of proprietors in the gov- 
ernment and a multitude of Quakers." 

Writing of the town of Amboy, to which he gives particular 
attention, he says : 

"It is a very old town, being older than the city of New 
York; having a good harbor but small trade. They have 
here the best oysters I have eat in America. In the Jerseys 
the people are chiefly Presbyterians and Quakers ; and there 
are so many proprietors that share the lands in New Jersey 
and so many doubtful titles and rights that it creates an in- 
exhaustible and profitable pool for the lawyers." 

I could read much more from Dr. Hamilton's memorandum, 
but my time is limited. 

Mr. Daly here referred to his experiences with the berry- 
pickers of South Jersey ; a class of people who-, he said, at certain 
seasons are recruited from the Italian colonies of Pennsylvania 
and New York. One of those fellows came to him one day with 
his troubles and said he was between two fires, that he was in 
love with twoi girls and could not determine which one tO' marry. 
He said, "I love Angelo, I love Carbolita; Angelo she got hair 
so black, has a good voice and can sing, and all the time she sings 
her eyes are bright but that is all. Carbolita, she is strong and 
can cook and work; when she is somebody's wife she will work 
ever so had ; that is all she can do. Oh, my, I wish Angelo was 
like her. I cannot marry both of them, so what shall I do?" 

Mr. Daly continued : In trying tO' solve the problem for him 
I called upon a little girl of some ten years, residing in my neigh- 
borhood, and said to her, "Margaret, you are getting to be quite 
a young woman; perhaps you can tell me what I want to^ know." 
I stated the case to her, and asked, "If you had been that Italian, 
which one of those girls would you have married?" She replied, 
without hesitation, "I should have married Angelo." "Well," I 
said, "you know Carbolita was a good cook." "Yes, I know," 
she said, "but I should have married Angelo, and then we could 
have hired Carbolita," 



Addresses, 191 6. 353 

Now, passing from this plain, simple, ordinary humor, I think 
it is most appropriate that, at a dinner in this season of the year, 
some reference should be made tO' a humorist who is better known 
than even the State of New Jersey; one whose influence has 
spread over the entire world ; who, eighty years ago, brought 1:)ack 
to England a Christmas carol, and made that country what it was 
in the good old days, "Merrie, merrie England." It is the cus- 
tom in many families in this country — in my own, at least, and 
others I know of — to read at this time of the year, Dickens* 
"Christmas Carols." In concluding my brief remarks I want to 
recommend to you that Christmas reading. I quote one passage : 

The herald winds of Christmas sleep 

High cradled on the wooded steep ; 

The far stars only are a-thrill 

With life; the night is cold and still. 

Come, gather 'round the inglenook 

And from its shelf take down the book 

Wherein the master's genius drew 

Those pictures old but ever new ; 

Whose "Christmas Carol's" deathless chime 

Beats down the envious toudi of time. 

Here let the children sit, and there, 

Beneath the lamp's light, place the chair. 

Take thou the book, Oh golden voice! 

And read the pages of thy choice. 

Tell us of Scrooge and Marley's ghost, 

Of all our favorites old ; but most 

Tell us with tenderness of him 

We laugh and weep with — Tiny Tim. 

Call thou the soul to every face 

About thee in this holy place. 

We shall not be ashamed at all 

For frank, sweet tears you cause to fall ; 

But fervently, with eyelids dim 

And hearts attuned to Tiny Tim, 

We'll quote his words when you have done 

And say, "God bless us, every one." 

(Applause.) 

The ToasTmasTER, in announcing adjournment, expressed 
the thanks of the Society to the speakers who had made the even- 
ing enjoyable, and to the guests for their presence. 



Hl.l|IIUIIIJIIlll)«illUWUIllHllll].III.BIIIIHI||||| HI lllllllll |||||l||||l| mil 



3n ilemnnam 



Cotton, George A 

Haines, Nathan 

MooREj Joseph R 

Reeves, Albert A 

Harned, R. Fremont 

MiLEER, Richard R 

Reeves, Horace A 

Tayeor, Wileiam S 

Cook, Joee 

GiTHENs, Benjamin 

HiELMAN, Benjamin R 

Loudenseager, Henry C 

Reeves, Henry 

BuREiNG, Edward H 

Browning, G. Genge 

Fry, Henry A 

Leeds, Edward C 

Morgan, Joseph Wieeeard. 

Lucas, Wieeiam E 

Sailor, John 

Schenck, Joseph H 

Dobbins, Wieeiam E 

Lee, Francis B 

Levick, Lewis J 

Wood Stuart 

Walmseey, James A 

CoEEs, Isaac W 

Atkinson, John 

CoppucK, Maecoem M 

Crater, David Schenck 

Heiseer, Wieeiam H 

Lewis, Grieeith W 

conkeing, l l 

Tieden, Wieeiam T. 

Duer, Ej)ward Louis, M. D. 

LiPPiNCoTT, Robert C 

Roberts, Israel 

Wethbriill, C. T 

Dobbin s, MurrEEL 

Hagert, Edwin 

Kelley, James D 

Meirs, Richard Waln 

Perkins, John H 

RiEEY, William B 

Veale, Moses 



908 
908 
908 
908 
908 
909 
909 
909 
910 
910 
910 
910 
910 
912 
912 
912 
912 
912 
913 
913 
913 
914 
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914 
914 
91 5 
915 
91S 
915 
915 
915 
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916 
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917 
917 
917 
917 



OFFICERS OF THE NEW JERSEY SOCIETY 
OF PENNSYLVANIA 

1907—1917 



1907 

MXJRRELL DOBBINS, President 
HOWARD B. FRENCH, Vice President 
J. HAMPTON MOORE, Secretary 
A. A. REEVES, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

R. O. MOON NATHAN H. FOLWELL 

HENRY R. EDMUNDS GEORGE W. BAILEY 

BENJAMIN GITHENS RICHARD CAMPION 

A. MERRITT TAYLOR ROBERT C. LIPPINCOTT 

EDWARD L. DUER 



1908 

HOWARD B. FRENCH, President 
RICHARD CAMPION, Vice President 
JOSEPH H. GASKILL, Secretary 
HENRY REEVES, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

REUBEN O. MOON NATHAN T. FOLWELL 

MURRELL DOBBINS GEORGE W. BAILEY 

E. AMBLER ARMSTRONG EDWARD L. DUER 

A. MERRITT TAYLOR J. HAMPTON MOORE 

ROBERT C. LIPPINCOTT 

(355) 



356 . New Jersey Society oe Pennsyevania. 

1909 

RICHARD CAMPION, President 
REUBEN O- MOON, Vice President 
JOSEPH H. GASKILL, Secretary 
HENRY REEVES, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

MURRELL DOBBINS GEORGE W. BAILEY 

HOWARD B. FRENCH EDWARD L. DUER 

E. AMiBLER ARMSTRONG J. HAMPTON MOORE 

A. MERRITT TAYEOR HENRY C. THOMPSON 

ROBERT C. LIPPINCOTT 



WW 

REUBEN O. MOON, President 
J. HAMPTON MDORE, Vice President 
JOSEPH H. GASKIEL, Secretary 
C. STANLEY FRENCH, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

MURRELL DOBBINS GEORGE W. BAILEY 

HOWARD B. FRENCH EDWARD L. DUER 

RICHARD CAMPION ROBERT C. LIPPINCOTT 

E. AMBLER ARMSTRONG CHARLES V. D. JOLINE 

JOHN ATKINSON 



1911 

J. HAMPTON MOORE, President 
EDWARD L. DUER, Vice President 
HENRY C. THOMPSON, Jr., Secretary 
C. STANLEY FRENCH, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

MURRELL DOBBINS GEORGE W. BAILEY 

HOWARD B. FRENCH C. V. D. JOLINE 

RICHARD CAMPION ROBERT C LIPPINCOTT 

REUBEN O. MOON JOHN ATKINSON 

E. AMBLER ARMSTRONG HENRY A. FRY 



List of Oi^i^icERS. 357 

1912 

DR. EDWARD L. DUER, President 
NATHAN T. FOLWELL, Vice President 
WILLIAM J. CONLEN, Secretary 
C. STANLEY FRENCH, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

MURRELL DOBBINS GEORGE W. BAILEY 

HOWARD B. FRENCH C. V. D. JOLINE 

RICHARD CAMPION ROBERT C. LIPPINCOTT 

R. O. MOON JOHN ATKINSON 

J. HAMPTON MOORE 



1913 

NATHAN T. FOLWELL, President 
C. V. D. JOLINE, Vice President 
WILLIAM J. CONLEN, Secretary 
C. STANLEY FRENCH, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

MURRELL DOBBINS JOHN ATKINSON 

HOWARD B. FRENCH GEORGE W. BAILEY 

RICHARD CAMPION HEULINGS LIPPINCOTT 

R. O. MOON ROBERT C. LIPPINCOTT 

J. HAMPTON MOORE 



1914 

WALTER WOOD, President 
C. V. D. JOLINE, Vice President 
WILLIAM J. CONLEN, Secretary 
C. STANLEY FRENCH, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

ROBERT C. LIPPINCOTT J. B. VAN SCIVER 

JOHN ATKINSON JOSEPH W. COOPER 

CHARLES E. HIRES JOSEPH H. GASKILL 

E. C. STOKES JOSEPH R. GRUNDY 

WILLIAM J. BROWNING 



358 New Je;rse;y Socie;ty op Pennsyi^vania. 

1915 

CHARLES E. HIRES, President 
CHRISTOPHER T. WETHERILL, Vice President 
WILLIAM J. CONLEN, Secretary 
C. STANLEY FRENCH, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

ROBERT C. LIPPINCOTT WILLIAM J. BROWNING 

E. C. STOKES GEORGE B. HURFF 

J. B. VAN SCIVER J. W. SPARKS 

JOSEPH H. GASKILL WM. COPELAND FURBER 

JAMES B. BORDEN 



1916 

CHARLES E. HIRES, President 
CHRISTOPHER T. WETHERILL, Vice President 
WILLIAM J. CONLEN, Secretary 
C. STANLEY FRENCH, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

E. C. STOKES WM. COPELAND FURBER 

GEORGE B. HURFF JAMES B. BORDEN 

JOSEPH H. GASKILL W. B. RILEY 

J. W. SPARKS J. D. JOHNSON 

H. W. LEEDS 



1917 

H. K. MULFORD, President 
J. B. VAN SCIVER, Vice President 
WILLIAM J. CONLEN, Secretary 
C. STANLEY FRENCH, Treasurer 

DIRECTORS 

JAMES B. BORDEN GEORGE B. HURFF 

JOSEPH H. GASKILL T. MONROE DOBBINS 

J. W. SPARKS W. J. PERKINS 

JOHN D. JOHNSON W. COPELAND FURBER 

CLAYTON F. SHOEMAKER 



INDEX 



Abbett, Leon 211 

Adams, John 19S-291 

Adams, John Quincy 102 

Adams, Maude 78 

Adams, Samuel 26 

Allen, Dr 295 

Allen, Horatio 321 

Allen, John 188 

Asgill, Capt. Charles 252-253 

Asgill, Lady Theresa 253 

Balnbrldge, William 218 

Eaird, David 13 

Bakers, Rev. P. H 57 

Barclay, Robert 318 

Barrett, John 316-324-325-348 

Barry, Commodore John 216-255 

Bell, John C 165 

Berkley, Lord 2S9-317 

Biddle, William 11-255 

Billings, Josh 124 

Bingham, General 61 

Bingham, Henry H 40 

Blaine, James G 123 

Blanchard, Lieutenant 247 

Bloomfield, Governor 319 

Bonaparte, Joseph 169-2S8 

Bonaparte, Napoleon 2SS-339 

Bond, Elijah 351 

Briand, Aristide 333 

Briggs, Frank 93 

Brown, Charles B 297 

Browning, William J 225 

Brumbaugh, Martin G 275 

Bryan, William J 33 

Budd, Levi 22 

Budd, William 22 

Bunyan, John 21 

Bums, Robert 209 

Cadwalla.der, Dr. David 351 

Calderhead, William A SS 

Calhoun, John C 217 

Campbell, Philip P 217-224-227-236 

Campion, Richard 62-63-95-180-205 

Cannon, Joseph G 4S-99-103-177-1S8-222 

Carleton, Sir Guy 252 

Carnegie, Andrew 264 

Carrow, Judge 234 

Carteret, Sir George 289-317-318 

Cattell, Alexander 271 

Cattell, Edward J 234-240-2t)6 

Cattell, Elijah 271 

Charles I 317 

Charles 11 317 

Clark, Champ 99-110-177 

Clinton, Sir Henry 252 

Clymer, George 24 

Cobb. Irving 333 

Columbus, Christopher 1S9-197-200 

Cook, Joel 48 

Cooper, Fenimore 241 

Covington, J. Harry 180-202 

Crow, Dr 295 

Curtis, George William 19 

Daly, Thos. A 316-349 

Davenport, Richard 247 



Pago 

de Leon, Ponce 189 

Dennie, Joseph 297 

Depew, Chauncey 204 

Dick, Senator 117 

Dobbins, Murrell 7-21-37-173-206 

Donnelly, Fred W 230-304 

Drayton, Jonathan 67 

Duer, Edward L 175-180 

Edge, Walter E 343 

Edison, Thomas A 35-322-325 

Evans, Bob 200 

Evans, Nathaniel 318 

Fess, Simeon 274-278 

Fielder, James F 229 

Fitch, John 41-125-321 

Fleming, Jacob 249 

Folwell, Nathan T 176-177-209-260 

Fordney, John W 80-89 

Forrest, Captain 338 

Fort, J. Franklin 25-39-40 

Fox, George 151 

Franklin, Benjamin... 2G-49-50-51-55-67-279-31S 

Franklin, Dr 215 

Franklin, William 246-251-252-318 

Frederick the Great 318 

French, C. Stanley 172 

French, Howard B 7-37-38-130-173-206-262 

Fulton, Robert 44-321 

Gallatin, Albert 283 

Gardner, John J 169 

Garrison, Charles Grant 211-218-234-235 

Garrison, Lindley M 210 

Gaskill, Joseph H 66-204-206-260 

Gaskill, Nelson B 336 

George III 340 

George. David Lloyd 325-333 

Germain, Lord George 318-339 

Godfrey, Dr 309 

Godfrey, Thomas 297 

Gompers, Samuel 56 

Gordon, General 14 

Grant, General Albert 189 

Grant, General U. S 156-158-257-312 

Greeley, Horace 106-189 

Green, Francis H 274-295 

Grundy, Joseph H 80 

Hamilton, Alexander 26-114-126-279-281-303-351 

Hancock, John 26 

Henley, William Ernest 210 

Henry, Joseph 35 

Henry, Patrick 206-257 

Hewitt, Abram S 322 

Heyburn, Weldon B 99-118-138 

Hires, Chas. E 240-274-275-278-302-303-343 

Hires, John 241 

Holland, John Philip 322 

Hopkinson, Joseph 297-300-301 

Hornblower, Josiah 320 

Howe, General 307 

Huddy, Captain Joshua. .242-245-246-247-249- 
250-251-252-254-260-286 

Hughes, Chas. E 40 

Hutchinson, Barton B 313 



36o 



Index. 



Page 

Irwin, Will 333 

Irving, Washington 351 

Jay, John 24 

Jefferson, Thomas 154-192-257-283-291 

Jennings, Governor 16 

Johnson, General Albert Sidney 189 

Johnson, Andrew 102 

Joline, Chas. Van Dyke 209 

Jones, John Paul 215 

Kahn, Julius 180-188-197-207 

Kean, John 67-99-120 

Key, Francis Scott 201 

Kimball, General 198 

Knox, Philander C 11-21-40 

Lafayette, Marquis de 304 

Lamb, Charles 299 

Lawrence, Captain James 181-215-319 

Lee, Francis B 11-32-37-42 

Lee, General 320 

Lincoln, Abraham 26-124-189-192-207-220-234-333 
Lippincott, Capt. Richard.. 249-250- 251-252-253 

Livingstone, William 67-318 

Lloyd, Isaac 74 

Locke, John 43 

Lodge, Senator 108 

Logan, James 297 

Louis XIV 166 

Ludlow, General Benjamin 319 

McKinley, William 199-267 

Macauley, Lord 338 

Madison, James 279 

Mann, William Hodges 154 

Marcy, Governor 257 

Marshall, James W 321 

Marshall, John 282 

Martine, Senator 257 

May, Captain 288 

Mpgargee, Louis A 211 

Miller, Joaquin 193 

Moon, Harold P 37 

Moon, Reuben 21-30-95-97 

Moore, J. Hampton.. .7-60-130-134-179-222-224- 
233-240-259-278-286-290-306-343 

Morris, Robert 199 

Mulford, H. K 316 

Murphy, Lieut. Governor 40 

Murray, Lindley 297 

Moylan, Colonel 243 



Nagel, Charles 



153 



Orpheus Club of Phila 63-96 

Padgett, Samuel P.. 212-217-223-236 

Paine, Tom 318 

Patterson, William 67 

Peary, Rear Admiral Robt. E 161 

Penn, William... 11-16-33-43-65-138-151-166-170^- 

197-289-318 

Pennypacker, Governor 132 

Penrose, Boies 9-40-121-165-240-255-263 

Penrose, Dr 255 

Perry, Commodore 181 

Pitcher, Molly 319 

Pitt, William 279 

Plowden, Sir Edward 317 

Potter, Col William E 320 

Prinz, Lieut. 241 



Raleigh, Sir Walter. 

Ramsey, David 

Randolph, Daniel ... 

Reed, Thomas B 

Reed, Senator 



Page 

. . 261 
.. 297 
.. 249 
.. 23 
.. 206 



Reybum, John E 36-45-64-127 

Roberts, Lieutenant 248 

Rockefeller, John D 264 

Roebling, Mrs. Emily Warren 321-322 

Roebling, John A 321 

Roebling, Washington A 321 

Roosevelt, Theodore 35-285 

Ross, Betsy 184-201 

Ross, Captain Stewart 247 

Roydhouse, George W ISO 

Sampson, Admiral William T 216 

Sherman, James S 20-58-177 

Sidney, Sir Philip 200 

Sisson, E. A 206 

Sloan, Charles H 233-237 

Smith, John 11 

Smoot, Reed 73-SS 

Sperry, Rear Admiral C. S 69-122 

Stafford, Capt. James Bayard 215 

Stevens, Col. John 45-321 

Stevens, Robert L 321 

Stockton, Commodore 125 

Stockton, Frank 297-300 

Stokes, Edward C... 14-123-165-194-201 -230-263- 

290-304-309 

Stone, Governor 132 

Stryker, General W. S 243 

Stuart, Edwin S 29-39-65 

Swift, Dean 204 

Taft, William H. 39-158-228 

Tener, John K 129 

Thomas, Capt. Evan 247 

Thompson, Jr., Henry C 172 

Tilden, William T 172 

Tingey, Capt. Thomas 215 

Tomkins, Rev. Floyd W 316-343 

Tumulty, J. V 302 

Twain, Mark 11 

Tyler, John 102 

Tyler, Prof 31S 



Vansciver, J. B 

Vreeland, Admiral Chas. E. 



263 
216 



Walker, Edwin Robert 275-316-336 

Washington, George. . . 26-49-67-154-192-252- 25Y- 

338-342 

■Watkins, David 274-286 

White, Philip , 251 

Whitman, Walt 241-297-298-300-301 

Wicks, Captain Lambert 215 

Williams, John Sharp 102 

Wilson, James 279 

Wilson, Woodrow. . .17-110-194-204-211-2fl8-222- 

228-274-322 

Wilson, (Mrs.) Woodrow 274 

Witherspoon, John 187 

Witherspoon, Samuel A 180-181 

Wood, Walter 260 

Woodhull, Brig. Gen. A. A. 240-242-255-260-261 

Woodhull, Rev. John 250 

Woolman, John 35-297-299-300-301-320 

Yates. Governor 132 



S4L1 




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